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THE ISLANDS 



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THE ISLANDS 



OF 



TITICACA AND KOATI 



Mlustratefc 



BY 



ADOLPH F. BANDELIER 




NEW YORK 
1910 









Copyright, 1910, by 

The Hispanic Society 

of America 





\ ©GI.A35S457 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

The Basin of Lake Titicaca 1 

Notes 23 



The Islands of Titicaca and Koati 39 

Notes 55 

The Indians of the Island of Titicaca 59 

Notes 129 

The Ancient Ruins on the Island of Titicaca 163 

Notes 241 

The Ruins on the Island of Koati 257 

Notes 285 

Aboriginal Myths and Traditions Concerning the Island 
of Titicaca 291 

Notes 331 

List of Indigenous Plants 341 

Index 343 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



The peaks of Sorata (Hanko-uma or Illampu and Hanko-Kunu or 

Hilampi) from the port of Chililaya Frontispiece 

Plate I facing page 
Map of Lake Titicaca 3 

Plate II 
Map of the Island of Titicaca 6 

Plate III 
The Isthmus of Challa, Kea-Kollu and Koati 8 

Plate IV 
Pucara 10 

Plate V 
Hacienda of Challa, etc , .14 

Plate VI 
Uajran-Kala . . . 18 

Plate VII 
Kenua tree, etc 20 

Plate VIII 
Western Lake and Peruvian coast 41 

Plate IX 
Island of Koati 42 

Plate X 
Indian Authorities of Challa 46 

Plate XI 

Indian Pietograph 48 

vii 



viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Plate XII facing page 
Indian Medicine-man 52 v 

Plate XIII 
Indian Dancers, Chayllpa 61 

Plate XIV 
Indian Dancers, Kena-Kena 62 

Plate XV 
Indian Dancers, Pusipiani, etc 66 

Plate XVI 
Chirihuanos 72 / 

Plate XVII 
Indian Skulls 78 

Plate XVIII 
Kea-Kollu Chico 84 

Plate XIX 
Kea-Kollu, Ground-plans 88 



Plate XX 
Kea-Kollu Chico, Ground-plans 90 

Plate XXI 
Indian Pottery 94 

Plate XXII 
Trephined Skulls 98 

Plate XXIII 
Primitive Agricultural Implements 102 

Plate XXIV 
Collca-Pata, Ground-plan 110 

Plate XXV 
Ciria-Pata, Ground-plan 112 

Plate XXVI 
Graves at Ciria-Pata 118 

Plate XXVII 
Pottery from Ciria-Pata 122 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ix 

Plate XXVIII facing page 
Drinking Cups 124 

Plate XXIX 
Sculptured Stone 165 

Plate XXX 
Weapons 168 

Plate XXXI 
Drinking Cups 172 

Plate XXXII 
Decorative Objects 174 

Plate XXXIII 
Pilco-Kayma, Ground-plans 176 

Plate XXXIV 
Pilco-Kayma, Architectural Details 178 

Plate XXXV 
Pilco-Kayma, Architectural Details 180 

Plate XXXVI 
Pilco-Kayma, Architectural Details 182 

Plate XXXVII 
Pilco-Kayma, Architectural Details 184 

Plate XXXVIII 
Fountain of the Inca, Ground-plan 186 

Plate XXXIX 
Fountain of the Inca, Details 188 

Plate XL 
Fountain of the Inca 192 

Plate XLI 
Metallic Implements, Pucara , 196 

Plate XLII 
Ruins at Pucara 198 

Plate XLIII 
Ground-plan, Pucara and Ahijadero 200 



x LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Plate XLIV facikg page 
Pucara, Ground-plan 202 

Plate XLV 
Inca Pottery 204 

Plate XL VI 
View of Kasapata 206 

Plate XL VII 
Kasapata, Ground-plans 208 

Plate XL VIII 
Inca Pottery from Kasapata 210 

Plate XLIX 
Ornaments, Beads, etc 212 

Plate L 
Inca Jar with Stand of Clay 214 

Plate LI 
Potsherds from Kasapata 216 

Plate LII 
Kasapata, Ground-plans 218 

Plate LIII 
Kasapata and Sicuyu, Graves 220 

Plate LIV 
Potsherds, Kasapata 222 

Plate LV 
Ground-plan of Sacred Rock and Surroundings 226 

Plate LVI 
Details from Incan-Taqui and Chincana 228 

Plate LVII 
Objects in Silver 232 

Plate LVIII 
Objects in Silver 238 

Plate LIX 
Titi-Kala or Sacred Rock 240 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi 

Plate LX facing page 
Ground-plans, Chincana and Sacred Rock 257 

Plate LXI 
Stone-chest with Cover 259 

Plate LXII 
Ancient Poncho 260 

Plate LXIII 
Chincana, Details 262 

Plate LXIV 
Chincana, General View 264 

Plate LXV 
Chincana, Part of Ruins 266 

Plate LXVI 
Objects in Copper and Bronze 268 

Plate LXVII 
Inca Vase 270 

Plate LXVIII 
Chuearipu, Ground-plan 272 

Plate LXIX 
Ancient Poncho 274 

Plate LXX 
Kona, Ground-plan 276 

Plate LXXI 
Island of Koati, Map, etc 278 

Plate LXXII 
Ruins on eastern slope of Koati 280 

Plate LXXIII 
Ruins of Inak-Uyu on Koati 282 

Plate LXXIV 
Details of Inak-Uyu 291 

Plate LXXV 
Graves on Koati 293 



xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Plate LXXVI facing page 
Painted Bowl, Koati 294 

Plate LXXYII 
Stone Objects, Koati 296 

Plate LXXVIII 
Objects in Gold, Koati and Titicaca 298 

Plate LXXIX 
Pottery, Koati and Titicaca 300 

Plate LXXX 
Chieheria, Ground-plan 302 

Plate LXXXI 
Stone Objects, Koati and Copacavana 306 

Plate LXXXII 
Village of Copacavana 310 

Plate LXXXIII 
Stone Seats, Copacavana 314 

Plate LXXXIV 
Copacavana, Church 318 

Plate LXXXV 
Manuscript Map of Lake Titicaca from 1573 358 



PREFACE 

The explorations which I began under the auspices of the 
late Mr. Henry Villard of the city of New York in July, 
1892, were continued until April 1, 1894, when Mr. Villard 
gave the collections I had gathered for him to the American 
Museum of Natural History at New York. After that date 
my work was entirely for the Museum. 

In July, 1894, I started for Bolivia accompanied by my 
wife— Fanny Eitter Bandelier. Arriving at La Paz on 
August 11th, we visited first the ruins of Tiahuanaco, on the 
29th, remaining nineteen days on the site, securing speci- 
mens, and surveying the ruins for the purpose of making a 
general plan of them. We also took notes on architectural 
details. 

Soon after our return to La Paz we made another excur- 
sion, this time to the slopes of the well known Illimani. 
There, at an altitude of 13,000 feet, we explored remains of 
terraced garden beds, small dwellings of stone, and burial 
cysts, above the hacienda of Llujo. 

It was not until the 26th of December that we could carry 
out our plan to visit the Island of Titicaca. The Prefect of 
La Paz, Don Genaro Sanjinez, gave permission to the 
steamer plying between Puno and Chililaya to touch at that 
Island for us. But we had, first, to obtain from the owner 
of Challa (the principal hacienda on the Island), authoriza- 
tion to reside on his property and to investigate and ex- 
cavate on the premises. Not only was our request granted 
at once, but Don Miguel Garces, the owner, accompanied us 
on the steamer to Challa, installed us there and imparted 
strict orders to the several hundred of Aymara Indians liv- 



xiv PREFACE 

ing on his property to treat us with the same respect as him- 
self or any other member of his family. This injunction 
was observed as long as our friend remained with us. After 
his departure, it was only by dint of lavish expenditure of 
money, and sometimes by assuming an austere attitude, that 
we held our own among the aborigines. We landed at Challa 
on January 1, 1895, and remained on the Island of Titicaca 
until April 15th, with the intermission of one week (early in 
February) which we spent at the village of Copacavana on 
the Bolivian mainland, where we witnessed the Indian fes- 
tivities on the occasion of a church celebration, at the fa- 
mous shrine of Copacavana. 

With this sole exception, we remained three months and a 
half on Titicaca Island, completely isolated from the outer 
world. Civil war in Peru attained its climax during that 
time and all communication between Puno and Bolivia was 
cut off. Our supplies gave out ; not even coffee could be had 
at the ill-provided pueblo of Copacavana. Furthermore, an 
Indian insurrection broke out at Yunguyu (on Peruvian soil, 
six miles from Copacavana) and spread with great rapidity 
along the Bolivian frontier, threatening to involve the Boli- 
vian Aymara and endanger life and property of the inhabi- 
tants of Copacavana. 

So, having completed our surveys and excavations on the 
Island, we retreated to Copacavana and thence, as the situa- 
tion grew more and more untenable, to Puno. Don Miguel 
Garces accompanied us, for in the meantime Lima had fallen 
into the hands of the Opposition and peace was being re- 
stored in Peru. At Puno we prepared for a return to the 
Island with means for navigating the Lake, distinct from 
those of the natives which kept us at the mercy of Indian ill- 
will. The house of Cazorla Brothers at Puno secured for 
us the use of a flat-bottomed scow propelled by wheels driven 
by hand. We also improved our stay at Puno for surveying 
and photographing (there was an itinerant photographer at 
Puno at the time) the ruins at Sillustani on Lake Umayo. 



PKEFACE xv 

On May 26th we again landed at Challa, with onr hand- 
wheeler and ample provisions. On the 18th of June we had 
completed our investigations there with the exception of the 
photographic work, which had yet to be postponed, since the 
apparatus was still in the hands of the Bolivian custom- 
house officers at La Paz. 

We next moved to the Island of Koati, where the owner, 
Dr. Venceslao del Carpio, had given us permission to survey 
and excavate. There we remained until the 2d of July, 
when we returned to Copacavana. Our collections had been 
carried to Chililaya, thanks to the Very Reverend Father 
Francisco Martinez, Commissary-General of the Franciscan 
order, whose authority prevailed in our favor, upon the re- 
luctant and hostile Indians. 

Another week spent on the Island of Titicaca, with the 
photographic apparatus received at last, one more day on 
Koati, and our seven months' work on and about these 
Islands came to an end. Only those who have resided for 
some time in that section of Bolivia can appreciate the ob- 
stacles it presents to scientific investigation. Climate, na- 
ture and man conspire to impede, annoy and obstruct. 

On August 2d we landed at Chililaya and remained till 
the 29th of the month, carefully packing our cumbrous col- 
lections and excavating some of the ancient burial sites near 
by. Mr. Louis Ernst of Chililaya had been, and was, our 
financial mainstay during the time, and we have been the 
recipient of many courtesies from him, as well as from the 
late Dr. Rosquellas, Captain of the Port of Chililaya. On 
the 29th of August, 1895, we were once more at La Paz, 
thence to direct our steps to the Blimani a second time, and 
later on to Peru, where we remained during part of the year 
1896, preparing the substance of this report. 

In the following pages I cannot pretend to more than a 
picture of our work on the Islands of Titicaca and Koati, 
with such results as appear to me worthy of presentation. 
In my documentary researches, I have met with the most 



xvi PREFACE 

friendly support : in Peru, Bolivia, and in the United States 
since our return. At the national Archives and Library of 
Lima the Director, Don Eicardo Palma, and his able assist- 
ant, Carlos Alberto Eomero, have literally showered upon 
me favors of the greatest value. At La Paz my intimate 
friend Don Manuel Vicente Ballivian has opened every door 
that was supposed to give access to material; and at New 
York, the friendship of Mr. Wilberforce Eames, the Super- 
intendent of the Lenox branch of the New York Public 
Library, of his assistant, Victor Paltsists, and, at the Astor, 
the liberality shown by the General Director, Dr. G. Bill- 
ings, have been invaluable. 

In conclusion, I gladly pay a tribute of sincere gratitude 
to our special friend at La Paz, Mr. Theodore Boettiger, 
head of the firm of Harrison & Boettiger of that city. To 
him we owe countless attentions and especially assistance 
of the most effective nature. Among the many others, at 
La Paz also, to whom we remain indebted in an analogous 
manner, I would yet specially mention Mr. Frederick G. 
Eulert. To name all, would furnish too long a list, however 
much we should like to express, to each one in particular, 
our feelings of respect and esteem. 

Ad. F. Bandelier. 
New York City, January 11th, 1905. 



NOTICE TO READERS 

The Spanish and Indian names nsed in this volume are to 
be pronounced, not according to the English, but according 
to the Continental manner of pronunciation, the j having the 
guttural sound of the Spanish. 

The scale of plans and diagrams is reduced from the orig- 
inal in every instance, as well as the size of the illustrations 
of objects, in comparison with the original. 

The flag on plans and diagrams indicates, in every case, 
the magnetic and not the true North. The magnetic decli- 
nation not having been accurately determined at the time I 
made my surveys, I preferred not to assume the responsi- 
bility of adopting an approximate deviation of the needle, 
which at the time was supposed to be about 12 degrees to the 
east of north. 

The colored plates are due to the skilful hand of my friend 
and countryman Mr. Rudolph Weber, who has also made 
and retouched the photographs of objects and reproduced 
the frequently defective landscapes and scenes of Indian 
life. 

Ad. F. Bandeliee. 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



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Plate I 

Map of Lake Titicaca and surroundings 

Reduced copy from atlas of Peru, by A. Raimondi 



Part I 
THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



IN the heart of the western part of South America, be- 
tween the 15th and 17th degrees of latitude, south of the 
equator, and between the 68th and 70th degrees of longi- 
tude, west of the meridian of Greenwich, lies the 
extensive water sheet of Lake Titicaca at an aver- 
age altitude of 12,500 feet above the level of the 
sea, 1 and distant in a straight line about 300 miles 
from the Pacific Coast and at least 2000 miles from 
the Atlantic shores of Brazil. The Eepublic of Peru claims 
two-thirds of its area, 2 and the Eepublic of Bolivia the re- 
maining southeastern third ; but the boundary line is rather 
indefinite between the two countries, across Lake Titicaca 
as well as on the mainland. The great chain of the Bolivian 
Andes, or Cordillera Beal, skirts the Lake on its eastern 
side. This mountain chain, from the towering peak of 
Hanko-Uma or Illampu (the tallest of the Sorata group) to 
the imposing mass of the Illimani southeast of the city of 
La Paz, runs from northwest to southeast, and the Lake in 
the same direction forms a deep trough west, or rather 
southwest, of that snowy range. 

The irregular shape of this elevated inland basin of water 
is best understood by glancing at the accompanying map. 
Its length from northwest to southeast is about 130 miles, 
and its greatest width is about 41 miles between the Peru- 
vian coast at Have and the Bolivian shores at Carabuco. Such 
figures, at the present stage of geographical knowledge of 



4 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Bolivia, can only be approximations. 3 Minute indications 
of geographical position, altitude and dimensions are not 
always essential in an anthropological monograph; but 
whenever they could be secured they will be given, if only 
as a respectful tribute to the labors of others. Landscape 
and scenery, the nature of vegetation, the appearance, rela- 
tive distance of high mountains and their relation to the 
cardinal points, hence to prevailing atmospheric currents, 
the indentations of the shores and the distribution of afflu- 
ents, are more important to archaeology and ethnology than 
geographical data of mathematical accuracy. 

An undulating level, gradually slanting from the height 
of the Crucero Alto (14,666) to Puno on the Lake-shore 
( 12,544), 4 skirts the Lake in the northwest and north. The 
elevated ranges of Santa Eosa and Vilcanota, which over- 
shadow the true source of the Amazon River, 5 are not visible 
from Puno. North of that port the Lake makes an inroad 
forming its most northerly lagune, on the banks of which 
are the approaches to the settlements of Taraco and Huan- 
cane. Navigation on Lake Titicaca does not touch these 
points; 6 steamers ply directly between Puno and the Bo- 
livian shore at Huaqui. The extreme northwestern shore 
of the Lake is not visible from the Island of Titicaca nor 
from the mainland of Copacavana, so great is the expanse 
of the water sheet in that direction. 

Puno, a Spanish settlement founded in the seventeenth 
century 7 and now the capital of a Peruvian department, 
nestles at the upper end of a large bay called the Lagune of 
Chucuito. Its surroundings are typical of the bleak and 
chilly Puna of these regions. Trees are scarce, the slopes 
overgrown with a scrubby vegetation, rocks protrude boldly 
here and there, and the sheet of blue water expanding in ad- 
vance of the port is encircled by dreary shores and reddish 
cliffs. The Lagune of Chucuito terminates between two nar- 
row projections— the Peninsula of Capachica in the north 
and that of Chucuito in the south. On its southern banks 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 5 

lie villages known since the earliest times of Spanish coloni- 
zation— Chucuito, formerly an important seat of provincial 
government, and Acora, 8 in the vicinity of which are many 
aboriginal monuments partly described by E. GL Squier. 9 
The shores are bleak, but, as everywhere on the Puna, their 
appearance is deceptive. While destitute of arboriferous 
vegetation, they are not unproductive. Such culture-plants 
as withstand the cold climate find sufficient soil for growth. 
The scarcity of level ground has compelled, and still compels, 
people to go to the slopes for cultivation. Hence ■ ' andenes, ' ' 
or terraced garden-beds ("takanas," also "patas," in 
Aymara), are visible everywhere from the Lake, presenting 
an appearance of symmetry not held out upon closer inspec- 
tion. With the time-honored system of rotation observed 
by the Indians, the great number of these terraced patches 
is no indication of a former dense population. 10 Neither are 
they exclusively ancient, many belonging to Colonial or to 
modern times. 

Beyond the narrows at Chucuito the large Islands of 
Taquili and Amantani stand out in plain relief. The former 
lies nearly in front of the straits, the latter north of it. 
Taquili, sometimes used as a place of captivity for political 
offenders, was explored to some extent, more than a decade 
ago, by the very unfortunates condemned to pine on its un- 
prepossessing shores. 11 Their desultory diggings yielded 
human bodies, cloth, pottery, copper and silver trinkets ; in 
short, usual remains of the "Chullpa" kind; as popular ter- 
minology improperly designates vestiges, that do not bear 
either the stamp of Cuzco influence/ 2 or that of the ancient 
coast-people. Amantani is said to be covered with similar 
remains. Puno itself is surrounded by ruins. Many are 
scattered over the heights around Lake Umayo, the shores 
of which bear the famous constructions of Sillustani ; 13 and 
much of archaeological interest is yet buried at Mallqui- 
Amaya, the hacienda of my friend Don Agustin Tovar. 

Beyond the narrows, the main Lake spreads out before us. 



6 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

In the rainy season it presents a vast expanse of grayish, 
water under a darkened sky, and it is not unusual to witness 
one or several waterspouts at a time. 14 Thunderstorms are 
of daily and nightly occurrence during summer months, 
from November to April. When we crossed the Lake, on the 
night of December 31st, 1894, our steamer, the "Yapura," 
was struck by lightning. There was no peal, only a quiver- 
ing of the craft. We were then yet inside of the Lagune of 
Chucuito. Saint Elmo fires appear on the masts of the ship 
during such stormy nights. 

If the voyage is made in winter, when calm and clear days 
prevail, then the view is different. The placid water sheet 
spreads out in dazzling blue, traversed here and there by 
streaks of emerald green. A sky of incomparable beauty 
spans the heavens. Not a breeze ruffles the mirror-like 
waters. On the gently sloping shores of Peru, the principal 
villages are barely discernible; Have, in the vicinity of 
which a large human statue of stone and many sacrificial 
offerings were discovered in the early part of the seven- 
teenth century, 15 and Pomata, whither the Dominicans (the 
first missionaries of these sections) withdrew after the mis- 
sions from Chucuito to Copacavana had been unjustly taken 
away from them; Juli, 16 concealed by its promontory of 
gray and pale green. 17 In the dim distance appear some of 
the "Nevados" that separate the Lake region from the vol- 
canic ranges above Moquegua— the Cavalluni, the Uilca- 
conga, and others. They appear as patches of perpetual 
snow rising between arid ranges. That part of Peru has a 
considerable population of Aymara-speaking Indians, and 
under Spanish rule was very thrifty, 18 but it lacks, abso- 
lutely, the picturesque element in nature. That same region, 
however, abounds in ancient ruins which yet await explora- 
tion. 19 

Facing the prow of the steamer, in the southeast, there 
advances into the Lake what seems to be a long promontory 
capped by rugged mountains of moderate elevation. The 



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LONGITUDINAL SECTION OFTITICACA fSL° 



CHUYU 




Map of tlie Island of Titicaca and surroundings 
Reduced and redrawn from the original made by the author, by Rudolph "* 



Challa B. Yumani 



ffl.aUa Pata 9, 12. Santa Barbara U. Kundur-o-uaua-ohaui 
. Tnri-Turini 5. W^„ llu io. Kuru-Pata 15. Chullim-Kayam 

"• Ij'TV.n.. 11 P.lla-Kasa 16. Areu-punou (alsobay) 



17 - Tej.chi 

J;.- l';iirS„-Kalo 
;''■ Kini;i|liiyu 



Areu-puncu 24. Yampu-Pata 
Chimpa-Uaya 28. Coyani 
29. Keopi-piyru 



MisrrlliiiiitutS 
Kea settlement 



\.l; ■■sin. Barbara is al aft 'I Llalli-siui Pata 



" 'nti-rCala,SaoredBook e. Kasapata 
'• Chinoana /. Llaq'-aylli 

'• ineanpu-rata „. firia-Pata 

"■ Chuearipu h. Collca-Pata 



rrommmttimn, , rto T M a r. Karu-Pata 

Santa Maria „. Fountain of the Ima r - g 

Kea-Kollu 0. Pilco-Kayma „»• .j^.TTsyani 

Kea-Kollu Chico p. Kona 3^ Qujvinj, ancient Inca r 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 7 

northern end of this projection is the Island of Titicaca, and 
its southern continuation with the rugged peaks above it, 
the Peninsula of Copacavana. Through the narrow Straits 
of Yampupata, which separate the Island from the Penin- 
sula, steamers take their course. Beyond, dusky ranges skirt 
the farthest horizon to the southeast and east, apparently 
sweeping around in a semi-circle, forming the eastern shores 
of the Lake and its southeastern termination. High above 
this unprepossessing belt of bleak slopes, rocky humps, and 
scattered islets, bristles a chain of gigantic peaks clad in 
eternal snow. Draped with formidable glaciers that descend 
far below the snow line, the twin peaks of Sorata, two colos- 
sal monuments, connected by an icy crest, constitute its 
northern pillars. Thence, declining to the southward, it 
sweeps away, until a glistening pyramid, 20 bold and steep, 
the Huayna Potosi or "Karka-Jaque" (Ka-Ka-a-Ka) termi- 
nates the chain as visible from this part of the Lake. North 
of the Sorata group, a more distant range extends along the 
whole of the northeastern horizon. It is as heavily snow- 
clad as the other, but probably not as elevated. The first 
chain is the Andes of Bolivia. The other range— belong- 
ing partly to Bolivia, partly to Peru— comprises the Andes 
of Carabaya, the great Ananea, and the high ranges of 
Suchez, Altarani, Lavanderani, Sunchuli, and Akkamani, 
west of Pelechuco and north of Charassani. 21 

Utter monotony, gray, brown and black in winter, of a 
greenish hue in summer, would be the characteristic of land- 
scape on Lake Titicaca, when at its best in brilliant sunlight, 
were it not for the long ranges of snowy peaks that bristle 
along fully one half of the horizon like a silver diadem. 
Bold and rugged, every peak sharply individualized like 
those of the Central Alps in Switzerland, with an abundance 
of glaciers, the Andes of Bolivia well deserve the appellative 
of Cordillera Real (royal range), by which they are 
sometimes designated. When, in the last moments of sun- 
set, the lofty peaks and bold crests assume a vivid golden 



8 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

hue, while the glaciers at their base turn purple and violet, 
the Andes fairly glisten. Then a ghastly veil falls over 
them and they turn livid. Newcomers may turn away think- 
ing that night has set in; but in a few minutes light floods 
the snowfields again. It turns red, while the summits be- 
come living flames of a rosy hue as intense and dazzling as 
any Alpine glow in Switzerland or Tyrol. Such a spectacle 
is not unf requent on the Lake, and it is usually accompanied 
by the presence of long delicate cirro-strati above the 
southern horizon, which turn fiery red, before the rosy dis- 
play begins on the Cordillera. Yet we saw the Alpine glow 
in wondrous beauty, when there was not even a cloudlet in 
the sky. 22 

The educated traveller cannot fail to be deeply impressed 
by the majestic beauty of these mountains, so colossal in 
height that a picture of the Sorata range is clearly reflected 
in the waters of the Lake. 23 The Indian, however, is not 
moved by sights of nature; accustomed to depend upon it, 
he estimates everything from the utilitarian standpoint of 
his wants, hopes and fears. 

The Aymara Indian calls each ' ' Nevado, ' ' or snowy peak, 
' ' Achachila ' ' ; that is, ' i grandfather. ' ' They apply this term 
to every prominent feature ; still the importance of the Acha- 
chila is not always in proportion to its size. While on the 
slopes of Illimani, I also heard the Indians of Liu jo call the 
mountain ' ' Uyu-iri, ' ' feeder or fosterer of their homes. The 
word "Illimani" itself is a corruption of "Hila-umani"— 
"he who has much water," derived from the fact, that the 
water courses useful to them descend from that mountain, 
and that precipitation is most abundant along its slopes. 
On the Island of Titicaca, the great Illampu or "Hanko- 
Uma" (white water) is the most prominent, as it almost di- 
rectly faces the Island, and therefore is more particularly 
known to the Islanders. Nevertheless, my inquiries touching 
the name of it (inquiries made for the purpose of eliciting 
some information about tales or legends, possibly extant), 



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§ 
8 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 9 

were quite as often answered by " Illimani ' ' also; while to 
the other peaks, the term "Kunu-Kollu" (snow-height) was 
indiscriminately applied. The Indian of the Island consid- 
ers such conspicuous landmarks as fetishes, chiefly origi- 
nators of cold and angry blasts. 

Lake Titicaca does not derive its principal water supply 
from the great Bolivian chain. Only one of its main 
tributaries, the Eio de Achacache, descends directly 
from the Cordillera Eeal. The Suchez has its headwaters 
in Peru (among the Andes of Carabaya) ; also the Eamis, 
in the narrow defile at the foot of the Cordillera of Vil- 
canota, near the line dividing the Department of Puno from 
that of Cuzco; 24 and the other streams rise either in the 
range dividing the basin of Titicaca from the Pacific slope, 
or south of the Lake. 

The drain of the Cordillera of Bolivia is chiefly toward 
the Atlantic, and not toward the Pacific slope. Lake Titi- 
caca lies at the foot of that range like a trough, filled with 
slightly brackish water, 25 and fed only to an extent that 
maintains an equilibrium between the supply and the out- 
flow through the Desaguadero. 26 

The trough formed by Lake Titicaca is mostly very deep. 
Soundings of more than six hundred feet, and as many as 
a thousand or more, are not uncommon. The Bolivian or 
northern shore is lined by greater depths than the Peruvian 
side. 27 Bays like the Lagune of Chucuito near Puno, the in- 
land basin between Tiquina and Chililaya, and probably 
the basin of Uinamarca, are comparatively shallow, but the 
main Lake is a cleft, sinking abruptly at the foot of the 
Andes and rising gradually to the western shore. 

A discussion of the numerous theories, that have been 
advanced, from time to time, regarding the origin of this 
singular inland sea, would prove useless. There are indica- 
tions of a former connection between opposite shores of the 
Lake. The Peninsula of Copacavana seems to have been 
connected, at one time, with the Peninsula of Santiago 



10 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Huata. The channel of Tiquina has an average depth of 
only 140 feet. 28 The southeastern lagunes or bays in which 
the Lake terminates, show a greatest depth of about sixty 
feet; whereas to the northward along the Bolivian shore, 
depths of from 600 to 800 feet have been recorded. The Strait 
of Tiquina, that narrow channel through which steamers pass 
after leaving the Islands of Titicaca and Koati, may there- 
fore have opened at a time when the watery basins about 
Chililaya existed independent of the main Lake; and the 
outflow at the Desaguadero may have been a result of the 
breaking of a barrier that formerly united the Peninsula of 
Huata with that of Copacavana. 

Such problems can be solved only by a close study of the 
region in general, and this study has not as yet been under- 
taken. It may be said that Lake Titicaca, in most of its 
features, is as unknown as the least visited of the inner 
African lakes. The shores are so indented and their topo- 
graphy is so complicated, that a coasting voyage of a year 
at least would be needed to achieve a complete investigation. 

"We have as yet found but faint traces of geological myths 
among the folk-lore and traditions of the Aymara Indians 
inhabiting the shores. This negative result, however, is not 
final, since it was only from the Island of Titicaca, and to 
some extent from the Peninsula of Copacavana that, previ- 
ous to 1897, we had been able to secure scraps of what may 
be called folk-lore. At Tiahuanaco, stories are told con- 
cerning a time when the sun had not yet risen into the 
heavens, but none of them bear any relation to the condition 
of the Lake or to any modifications in its contours. We 
were told by an old Indian that the builders of the edifices 
of stone (now in ruins) were "Gentiles," and were de- 
stroyed by a flood. The appearance of the sun in the heav- 
ens is said to have occurred after this supposed destruction. 
It is not an uncommon belief that the waters of the Gulf of 
Taraco once reached as far inland as Tiahuanaco, now about 
five miles distant from the shore. Some of the explanations 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 11 

of the name are even based on this hypothesis, giving it the 
meaning of : " dry beach. ' ' 29 

Among the traditions recorded by early Spanish chron- 
iclers, that of the appearance of a white man on the shores 
of Lake Titicaca appears to be connected with a dim recol- 
lection of geological phenomena. Ticiviracocha (also 
called Tuapaca and Arnauan) is represented by Cieza 30 
as having come from the south and as having been 
endowed with such power that, "he converted heights into 
plains and plains into tall heights, and caused springs to 
flow out of bare rocks." 31 A century after Cieza had writ- 
ten his chronicle, an Augustine Monk, Fray Antonio de la 
Calancha, referred to a tradition in regard to a disciple of 
Tonapa, called Taapac, stating that the Indians of the 
Lake-shore killed him, placed his body on a raft, or 
balsa: "and thrust that craft on the great lagune aforesaid; 
and so, propelled by the waves and breezes ... it navi- 
gated with great swiftness, causing admiration to the very 
ones who had killed him ; their fright being increased by the 
fact that the Lake, which at present has very little current, 
at that time had none at all. . . . When the balsa with its 
treasure reached the beach at Cachamarca where the Des- 
aguadero now is (this tradition is well established among 
the Indians), this same balsa, breaking through the land, 
opened a channel that previously did not exist, but which 
since that time has continued to flow. On its waters the 
holy body went as far as the pueblo of the Aullagas. 32 . ... ." 
According to this legend (provided the tale is genuine native 
folk-lore, as the author asserts, and not from after the con- 
quest) it would appear that the opening of the Desaguadero 
occurred within the scope of dim recollection of man. ss 

The story that sun and moon were created after the inhabi- 
tants of Tiahuanaco had been visited by a disastrous flood, 
is told by several authors from the early times of Spanish 
colonization; as well as the myth that both orbs rose pri- 
marily from the Lake, or from some point of its surface. 34 



12 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

The fact that nearly all the traditions, so far as we know, 
about the earliest times, and the natural phenomena sup- 
posed to have occurred at those times, centre in Tiahuanaco, 
may be not without significance. The tale preserved to us 
by Calancha points to a time within range of ancient folk- 
lore in Bolivia and Peru, when the waters of the Lake had 
no outlet. It may, however, be only a myth of observation. 
According to Agassiz there are indications of a slow grad- 
ual sinking of the level of the Lake. 35 This has been denied 
by others ; and I beg to suggest that such a change may not 
have been general. Thus the Lagune of Uinamarca and the 
Gulf of Taraco could have slowly receded from their shores 
without affecting the level of the main Lake. 

Storms on Lake Titicaca are violent, and the waves, 
though short, dangerous. The indigenous balsa is a clumsy, 
slow, exceedingly primitive craft, but it cannot sink. If cut 
in twain, each piece floats for itself and can afford refuge to 
human beings. 36 Swimming is out of the question, since the 
temperature of the water is so low that the swimmer soon 
gets numbed and sinks. 37 

Animal life on the Lake is seldom seen away from the 
shores. Gulls (hams serranus) now and then follow the 
steamer, and an occasional diver (Podiceps, Tachyobaptus, 
and Centropelma) 38 furrows the water in that lively, dash- 
ing way which recalls the motion of a diminutive tug-boat. 
On expanses covered with lake-reed or "totora" (Malaco- 
chaete totora) swarms of these agile swimmers bustle about 
the handsome "choka" (Fulica gigantea), a stately bird 
of black metallic plumage with bright colored head and 
crest. A dark green stork-like bird, possibly a Tantalidae, 39 
stalks through marshy approaches to deeper water. In 
the main Lake, animal life appears almost extinct; of the 
six kinds of fishes, officially known, 40 not one appears on the 
surface. The natives claim that there are at least a dozen 
species of fishes in Lake Titicaca. 

As we approach the long promontory of the Peninsula 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 13 

of Copacavana, Titicaca appears in its insular shape. Be- 
yond its northwestern outline small islets,— the steep and 
grass-covered dome of Koa, flat Payaya, tiny Chuju, 
—elongated Lauassani, rise above the waters. 41 They 
seem like scattered remains of a causeway formerly uniting 
Copacavana with the Bolivian mainland at Huaicho, of 
which there remains, on the south, the Island of Titicaca 
and its surroundings and in the north the islands of Apin- 
guila, Pampiti and Campanario. 42 

The Straits of Yampupata, which divide Titicaca from the 
Copacavana Peninsula have a width of about two-thirds of an 
English mile ; 43 and on both sides of the Straits, around the 
Island of Titicaca, and between that of Koati and the main- 
land at Sampaya, the Lake has a depth of from 580 to 600 
and more feet. It is when issuing from that short and pic- 
turesque channel that the two peaks of Sorata are seen to 
greatest advantage. The steep and bold slopes of the Island, 
with countless andenes traversing them horizontally, and the 
precipitous sides of the mainland, form what appears like 
a rustic portal, above and beyond which the truncated pyra- 
mid of Hilampi and the dome of Hanko-Uma stand out in in- 
comparable grandeur. 44 The Island of Koati, in the midst 
of the placid waters of the Lake, breaks the sombre monot- 
ony of the Bolivian shore between Ancoraymes and the 
Peninsula of Huata. 

At Yampupata, the work of man begins to appear on 
every side. The bold promontory of Chani hides from view 
the celebrated sanctuary of Copacavana, but the hamlet of 
Yampupata, with its houses of stone and its humble chapel, 
nestles close to the rocky point terminating the Peninsula. 
Traces of cultivation, in the shape of andenes, are every- 
where seen. We pass the two balsas plying between Yam- 
pupata and Puncu, the extreme southerly point of the Island 
of Titicaca. The Aymara Indians, who manage these clumsy 
ferries, either gloat stolidly at the steamer as it sweeps 
by, or if they are in numbers and in festive mood, they 



14 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

break out in rude and sometimes very uncivil demonstra- 
tions. 

Even on the little Island of Chilleca near the end of the 
Straits, traces of cultivation, such as potato patches, are vis- 
ible. On the main Island we see, at one glance, the ruin 
called "Pilcokayma" (an ancient structure attributed to the 
Peruvian Incas), the modern hacienda of Yumani with its 
tile-roofed buildings; cultivated as well as abandoned an- 
denes on the indented slopes; a grove of mostly modern 
trees surrounding the so-called "Fountain of the Inca," 
near the shore ; and, higher up, Indian houses scattered here 
and there, some with red roofing of tiles, others with the us- 
ual covering of thatch. As we glide along, hugging the Pe- 
ninsula of Copacavana, we see that almost every fold of that 
steep and rugged shore bears a small hacienda. High up on 
the slope of one of these folds, the village of Sampaya clus- 
ters picturesquely between terraced garden-beds. Opposite, 
the entire length of the Island of Koati is striated with an- 
denes. The eastern Bolivian shore is so distant that none 
of its villages, situated near but not on the shore, are visible. 
The northeastern side of the Strait of Tiquina is rocky and 
almost uninhabited ; the southwestern side, although nearly 
as steep, is extensively cultivated. The reason of this is 
that slopes exposed to the north, in this hemisphere, are 
those which receive directly the warmth of the sun. The 
two villages of San Pablo and San Pedro Tiquina 45 occupy 
respectively the southern and northern shores of the nar- 
rows near their southeastern extremity. From here the 
most southerly pillar of the snowy range, the "Nevado" of 
Illimani, 46 hitherto invisible, seems to rise suddenly and di- 
rectly out of the water, at the other end of the shallow 
lagune which we now enter. To the right opens the basin of 
Uinamarca dotted with islands mostly inhabited. The 
larger ones, Patapatani and Coana, also Cumana, divide 
that lagune from the bays of Huarina and Chililaya. On the 
left, the shore bears extensive haciendas like Compi and 



03 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 15 

Chua, also the hamlet of Huatajata. On the main Lake, 
and as far as the passage of Tiquina, scarcely a craft is met, 
but now the water becomes enlivened by flotillas of small 
balsas, each raft with a sail of reeds and managed by one 
man or sometimes by two men. These are fishing craft, that 
do not go into the Lake where their labor would hardly 
prove remunerative. The coast of these interior basins is 
rich in totora, 47 whereas the depth of the Lake along the 
shores of Koati and Copacavana does not permit the 
growth of this aquatic reed except in small patches. The 
Indians of Huatajata and of the islands near by, are to a 
great extent fishermen. A balsa does not last long, but a 
new one is easily constructed. Many of the Lake Indians 
are rather fearless navigators and undertake comparatively 
long voyages, trusting to the winds to direct their course. 
It is not uncommon to see Indians, from Huaicho and 
Ezcoma, drift across the widest part of the Lake to Have, 
Juli or Pomata. From the Island of Titicaca a three days ' 
voyage to Puno is by no means a rarity ; and trips to Anco- 
raymes are of frequent occurrence. As the balsa is pro- 
pelled much more by sail than by the imperfect oars, the 
direction of atmospheric currents is watched and used so far 
as possible. Happily these currents blow with considerable 
regularity. Thus the southeast wind usually prevails until 
midday. Afterward the wind veers to the northwest and 
blows from that quarter until after or about midnight. 

Thunderstorms and tempests occur very often. During 
the summer months they are of daily occurrence. The vio- 
lence of the wind depends upon localities, upon the degree 
of shelter, and the existence of a funnel through which the 
moving air must rush at greater speed and with increased 
power. The Straits, both of Yampupata and of Tiquina, are 
exposed to violent blasts, and so is the vicinity of Copaca- 
vana. The middle of the Lake, which the people call the 
"Pampa de Have," is also feared on account of the power 
which the wind, coming from the snow-capped Andes, 



16 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

wields over this shelterless expanse. Tempests almost in- 
variably come from the northwest and we have known them 
to last several days, the maximum violence reoccurring 
daily about 4 p.m. Such storms are mostly dry in winter, 
or with a slight fall of snow or hail, chiefly on the heights. 
But snow falls every year on the shore also. In February 
we have many times seen the ground at Copacavana white 
with snow, also on the Island and the Peninsula of Santiago 
Huata. In June we had light snow-falls, accompanied by 
thunder and lightning and soft hail, on the Island of Koati. 

Lightning strokes are locally frequent, they descend with 
much greater frequency at certain places than at others. 
Copacavana is one of these dangerous spots. On the Island 
of Titicaca, on the narrow isthmus where the hacienda of 
Challa stands, we counted as many as twenty lightning 
strokes in little more than half an hour. All of them struck 
either the water, or the rocky heights of Challa Pata and 
Inak-Uyu near by. 

To give the results of meteorological observations at one 
point only, and then draw conclusions from them as to the 
climate of the Lake in general, would be misleading. A 
glance at the map accompanying, however faulty it may be, 
will show that the indented form of the shore-line, the distri- 
bution of the Cordilleras in regard to the northern and 
southern portions, and the greater or less distance of the 
heights bordering on the Lake, create a number of local cli- 
mates. Thus, while the shores exposed to the north are 
warmer than those exposed to the south, and northern ex- 
posures those in which more delicate culture plants (like 
maize) can alone be raised, yet some sites along the south- 
eastern Bolivian shore enjoy a milder climate than others, 
near by or on the opposite side. Huarina, for example, is 
warmer and milder than Chililaya, six miles distant from it 
to the southwest. The reason for it is that some villages 
on that side are built against the coast-hills, and the cold 
blasts from the Cordillera blow over these hills and di- 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 17 

rectly on to the shore opposite, making it chilly and dis- 
agreeable in the afternoons. 

Thermometrical observations made but at one or two 
points have only a local value and for the specified period 
of time ; but it may still be of interest to note the results of 
such observations, made by my wife, chiefly on the Island 
of Titicaca, during several months of the year 1895. 

For the month of January the mean of 37 obser- 
vations was 54 9 (o degrees. For the month of February, 
the mean of 120 observations was 55%o degrees. For March, 
the average of 107 observations was 54%o degrees. The 
mean for these three months, embracing the height of sum- 
mer and the autumnal equinox, is therefore 55 degrees, 
Far. ; and the variation in the mean, from one month to the 
other, amounts to barely one half a degree. The maxima 
were, in January, 63%; in February, 65; and in March, 
64. The minima were, in January, 47; in February, 45; 
and in March, 43. In the month of April the observa- 
tions could only be conducted during the first half of the 
month, and at three distinct localities, according as we 
moved our domicil in the interest of excavations. Hence 
averages for that month possess no value. At Yumani, a 
point several hundred feet above the Lake, the thermom- 
eter reached its maximum between the 1st and 15th of 
April at 59 degrees, and its minimum at 45. During the 
interval between the 26th of May, when we returned to 
Titicaca after a protracted stay at Puno, and the 18th of 
June, the extremes were respectively 60 and 39 degrees. 
On the Island of Koati the extremes, from the 18th of June 
to the 1st of July inclusive, were 50 and 33 degrees. While 
the above figures probably represent the maxima of the 
whole year, I have doubts about the minima. The lowest 
point reached by the thermometer falls below freezing 
point. I infer this from the fact that, on the morning of 
August 18th, we found the Bay of Huarina covered with ice 
a quarter of an inch thick. Should, however, the figures 



18 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

given represent the extremes for that year (the difference 
will be very small), the annual range of temperature of 
about 32 degrees shows an unusually equable climate. But 
that climate is also constantly humid, hence always chilling. 
It rains nearly every month. In January, 1895, we had 19 
days of rain (always with thunderstorms) ; in February, 22 ; 
in March, 16 ; in April, 14 ; in May, 6 ; in June, 10 ; in July, 1 ; 
and in August, 2. All these months, as well as the last 
third of December, 1894, were spent on some point of the 
Lake-shore. The constantly low temperature, together 
with frequent precipitation, renders the climate disagree- 
able, although by no means unhealthy. 

Vegetation exists wherever there is room for it, but it is 
seldom handsome. The "kenua" (Polylepsis racemosa), 
the wild olive tree (Buddleya coriacea), and the Sambucus 
Peruvianus are about the only indigenous trees. These 
grow only on favored sites and are stunted and low. The 
beautiful and richly flowering shrub called "cantata,"— the 
large carmine, yellow or white flowers 48 of which are so 
abundantly represented on ancient textiles and on pottery, 
—thrives in sunny localities. The potato takes the lead 
among indigenous culture plants, next comes the oca (Oxa- 
lis tuberosa), the "quinua" (Chenopodium quinua), and in 
sheltered places only, maize of the small bushy kind. Since 
the sixteenth century, barley and the common large bean 49 
have been added to this modest list. Kitchen vegetables 
would grow well in many places if they were cultivated ; but 
the Aymara Indian is such an inveterate enemy of innova- 
tion that all attempts at introducing new plants which 
might bring about a wholesome reform in his monotonous 
diet, have failed. Thus on the islands there is cabbage 
growing wild; on Koati we have seen almost arboriferous 
cabbage plants. The garden near Challa on Titicaca (er- 
roneously designated as "Garden of the Incas,") is filled 
with trees, shrubs, and with an abundance of flowers. It 
has beds of strawberries that ripen annually; but every- 



'-: *>,y,, ; y. .fi :; 






> 



o 

d 
o 

B 

o 

ft 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 19 

thing is sadly neglected, now that the owners no longer 
reside on the estate. The Indian uses the dahlias, the for- 
get-me-nots, the beautiful roses; he scrupulously plucks 
and devours all the fruit; but not a single effort would he 
make for preserving the plants. Only the strict orders im- 
parted by the owners have saved that beautiful site from 
utter, wanton destruction. The useful seeds that were dis- 
tributed among the Indians of Titicaca for their benefit 
were sown, because it was so ordered, and they germed, 
grew and prospered. The Indians made use of the proceeds 
during the first year; afterward no more attention was 
paid to the plants. I might state that one of the causes for 
this lies in the fact that few people on the face of the earth 
are so possessed by greed for money as the Aymara In- 
dian of the Lake region. Only what can procure coin at 
once, is prized by him. Hence plants and trees, however 
productive in the course of time, are of no consequence to 
him, as they do not immediately yield the coveted casli. 
At present, vegetables and fruits could hardly be made 
profitable on the Islands, for there is no market. Naviga- 
tion on Lake Titicaca is restricted by the laws of Bolivia to 
Puno, Huaqui, and Chililaya, and no intermediate point 
can be touched without special permission from the gov- 
ernment. The Islands of Titicaca and Koati, belonging to 
Bolivian waters, are therefore cut off from communication 
with the outer world, Copacavana excepted, which is too 
small a village to offer any inducement. Hence culture 
plants other than the potato, oca, quinua, maize, bean and 
barley are of no immediate advantage to the Aymara In- 
dian of the Lake. Cupidity, low cunning, and savage 
cruelty are unfortunate traits of these Indians' character. 
These traits are not, as sentimentalism would have it, a re- 
sult of ill-treatment by the Spaniards, but peculiar to the 
stock, and were yet more pronounced in the beginning of the 
Colonial period than at the present time. 50 The Aymara 
Indian is not at all stupid, but the degree of intelligence he 



20 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

possesses seems to be used mostly for evil. Such traits do 
not necessarily strike the traveler, but if one has to live 
with the Indians they become woefully apparent. 51 

In the course of the pages to be devoted to the Islands of 
Titicaca and Koati, many other points relating to nature 
and to the inhabitants of the shores and Islands will be 
mentioned. The picture that I have attempted to present 
of the Lake and its immediate surroundings is only a super- 
ficial sketch. It is not a gay picture. Nature is mostly 
cheerless in that region. Dismal monotony reigns all 
around, in topography, and in color of landscape ; a stunted 
vegetation, animal life distributed by local groups and with 
few prominent forms. The climate is as monotonous as 
the landscape, in the slight variations of temperature which 
it exhibits throughout the year ; cold, moist, and abounding 
in threatening phenomena, dangerous to man directly and 
indirectly. 52 There are no means for rendering comfort- 
able the shelter which one builds, for the Puna has scarcely 
any combustible material within reach of the native except 
llama dung: "taquia." 53 The only redeeming features 
are: The sight of the glorious Andes, and the magnificent 
sky, when it condescends to exhibit itself in full splendor. 
These redeeming features, however, have no influence on 
the Indian; 54 his heart is untouched by beauties of nature. 

That nature, so uninviting on the whole, must have, for 
ages, exercised a steady pressure on the mind of the Indian 
who was, and is yet, wholly dependent upon it. Three 
methods of subsistence were open to him,— hunting, agricul- 
ture and fishery. Hunting was limited to quadrupeds of 
great fleetness and to water-fowl. Although the guanaco 
and the vicuna were formerly abundant, they are shy and 
swift, and it was only in communal hunts that the Indians 
could secure such game. 55 The same may be said of the in- 
digenous deer, or ' i taruca. ' ' 56 Birds were not so difficult to 
obtain, and an abundance of edible water-fowl is still seen 
in many places on the shores. Agriculture enjoyed the ad- 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 21 

vantage of a moist climate, and, in the dry season, of irriga- 
tion. But the plants that could grow were of but few species 
and all of the coarsest kind of food. The cold rendered im- 
possible the storing of the potato, in its natural condition. 
There is not enough combustible wherewith to dry the bulb 
in quantities, hence the Indian resorted to the expedient of 
freezing the potato and then squeezing all the liquid out of 
it, thus preparing the insipid ' ' chunu, = ' one of the meanest 
articles of vegetable diet. 57 Maize was rarely cultivated. 
To the dweller on the beach, fishing was possible. Yet it 
does not seem to have been extensively practised. 

Thus the primitive inhabitant of the Titicaca basin was, 
as his neighbor and congener of the Puna and Cordillera, 
weighed down by a hard climate and scanty resources. It 
is true that the Indian, having the llama at his disposal, 
had the resource of commerce; but that commerce also 
was checked by division into tribes resulting from Indian 
social organization. 58 The configuration of the shores fa- 
vored segregation into small groups, at war with each other. 
This condition of affairs survives to-day, in the regular 
hostilities between the Indians of neighboring villages as 
well as between those of neighboring haciendas. Blood- 
shed is inseparable from Indian festivals and from certain 
days in the year. Besides, in the northwest of the Lake, 
the Aymara are contiguous to another linguistic group, the 
Quichuas, and historical folk-lore is filled with instances of 
warfare between tribes of the two powerful and numerous 
stocks. 59 In the east and southeast, the Aymara spread as 
far as the hot regions on the eastern slopes of the Andes 
and, there, came in contact with savages of the Amazonian 
basin, all of which were, and still are, cannibals. The char- 
acter of the Aymara Indians could not, therefore, develop 
under favorable conditions. 

On the whole the Indian of the Titicaca basin is a being 
well fitting the nature of that basin. Even the Quichua, 
although generally of a milder disposition than the Ay- 



22 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

mara, is more taciturn and far less approachable than his 
congeners near Cuzco. These Quichuas show characteristics 
as unprepossessing as may be found anywhere among the 
American Indians. 

The accompanying map of Lake Titicaca, although in- 
complete, is the best now extant. It is interesting to com- 
pare it with the one made in 1573 by order of the Viceroy 
Don Francisco de Toledo, a copy of which has been given to 
me by Don Enrique Gamero of Puno. To this modest but 
exceedingly well informed gentleman, whose data on the 
Lake and its environs will be, when published, the most 
reliable ones concerning the region, I herewith express 
sincere thanks for many an act of kindness, among which 
the gift of the ancient map herewith presented is by no 
means the least. 



NOTES 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



PART I 



1 The altitude of Lake Titicaca is 
variously given. On the adjoining 
map it is stated as 3835 meters, or 
12,578 feet. James Orton gives it as 
12,493 feet (The Andes and the 
Amazon, p. 427), according to the 
railroad surveys. The correct alti- 
tude, however, is 12,466. 

2 The (very indefinite) line passes 
through the northwestern point of the 
Island of Titicaca, leaving that Island, 
Koati, and the parts southeast of 
these islands, as well as the Peninsula 
of Copacavana and all that lies east 
of the channel of the Desaguadero, 
within Bolivian territory. 

3 "It spreads over 2500 geograph- 
ical square miles, being 100 miles 
long, with an average breadth of 
twenty-five miles ' ' (Orton : The Andes 
and the Amazon, p. 427). It is evi- 
dent that the author speaks only of 
the main Lake and does not take in 
the basins at each extremity, north- 
west and southeast. Ignacio la 
Puente gives the following figures: 
"Su mayor diametro desde la desem- 
bocadura del rio Ramis hasta una 
ensenada no lejos de Aygache mide 
194,460 metros; el ancho en su ma- 
ximo, tornado en una direccion per- 
pendicular a la longitud, desde Cara- 
buco, hasta la desembocadura del rio 
Juli es de 68,524 metros" (Estudio 
Monogrdfico del Lago Titicaca; bajo 



su aspecto fisico e histdrico, in Boletin 
de la Sociedad Geogrdfica de Lima, 
Tomo I, p. 365). These figures corre- 
spond to 122 and 44 miles. But the 
mouth of the Ramis is not the extreme 
northwestern, nor is the bay near 
Aygachi the extreme southeastern, 
terminus of the Lake. 

4 These figures are taken from the 
railroad surveys and are therefore 
reliable. 

5 That source is at La Raya, 159 
miles, by rail, northwest of Puno, and 
14,150 feet above the level of the sea. 
The altitudes of the Santa Rosa, or 
1 ' Kunurona, ' ' and of the Vilcanota 
are not yet known. Modesto Basadre 
assigns to Vilcanota 17,825 feet, and 
to the other 17,590 feet (Los Lagos de 
Titicaca, in Boletin de la Sociedad 
Geogrdfica de Lima, Tomo III, pp. 44- 
45). Paz-Soldan gives the height of 
Vilcanota according to Pentland at 
5362 meters, or 17,586 feet (Atlas 
Geogrdfico del Peru, p. 14). Orton, 
in a foot-note, says of Pentland 's 
measurements of the Bolivian Andes 
that ' ' they must have come down 300 
feet," as he determined the altitude 
of Titicaca at 12,785 feet, instead of 
12,466 (The Andes and the Amazon, 
p. 428). Pentland 's figures for the 
summits of the Cordillera are below 
reality. It is much to be desired that 
the elevation of the most prominent 



23 



24 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



peaks of the western or coast range of 
Peru be accurately determined. It is 
likely (unless some higher peak be 
found yet in northern Peru) that Koro- 
puna, in the Peruvian coast range 
of the Department Arequipa, is 
the culminating point of the conti- 
nent. It exceeds 23,000 feet in 
height, whereas Aconcagua, in Chili, is 
but 6940 meters (22,763 feet) above 
sea level. Pentland also determined 
the altitude of Misti, the slumbering 
volcano of Arequipa, at 6600 meters, 
or 21,648 feet, whereas it is now fully 
ascertained, through the careful baro- 
metric observations of Professors Pick- 
ering and Bailey, that Misti is only 
19,250 feet in height. Its neighbor, 
Charchani, is 1000 feet higher. 

6 Points on the Peruvian shore can 
be reached without difficulty, if the 
steamers are ordered to touch there, 
but in Bolivian waters they are not 
even allowed to stop in the Lake or off 
from the shore. These stringent reg- 
ulations have their cause in the active 
contraband going on all along the 
frontier. 

7 Manuel de Mendiburu leaves it in 
doubt whether 1668 or the year fol- 
lowing (Diccionario Historico-Biogrd- 
fico del Peru, Tomo III, p. 226). The 
date is that of the establishment of 
Puno as capital of a department. 
The village (pueblo) of Puno existed 
prior to 1548 (Parecer de Bon Fray 
Matias de San Martin, Obispo de 
Charcas, sobre el Escrupulo de si son 
bien ganados los Bienes adquiridos 
por los Conquistadores, in Bocumentos 
ineditos para la Historia de Espana, 
Vol. LXXI, p. 451). Pedro Gutierrez 
de Santa Clara (Historia de las gue- 
rras civiles del Peru, 1544 to 1548, 
Madrid, 1905, Vol. Ill, pp. 44 and 
493) mentions Puno as a village 

(pueblo) extant in 1546. There is no 
doubt about the identity of Puno with 
Puno, as the former is described as 
on the Lake, before reaching Chu- 
cuito (then the most important set- 
tlement) on the Cuzco trail. 



8 Chucuito is to-day a village of 
about 800 inhabitants. It was the cap- 
ital of the province and is mentioned 
as such at an early date in Spanish 
documents. The Indian insurrection of 
1780-1781, injured it seriously. Acora 
has, at the present time, about 500 in- 
habitants. I do not vouch for the 
accuracy of these figures; they are 
taken from Modesto Basadre (Puno, 
in Boletin de la Sociedad Geogrdfica 
de Lima, Tomo III, pp. 215-216). 

8 Peru, Incidents of Travel and Ex- 
ploration in the Land of the Incas, pp. 
350-354. 

10 Further on, when treating of the 
islands, I shall have occasion to refer 
to the ancient system of rotation in 
tilled tracts. That system was gen- 
eral and by no means an introduction 
by the Incas. The length of time 
allowed each tract for rest and re- 
cuperation differs according to local- 
ities, conditions of the soil, etc. 

11 The objects secured were, as 
usual, scattered, so that I have not as 
yet been able to see any of them. 

"I make this statement provision- 
ally. The pottery from Cuzco is of a 
well-defined type and one easily recog- 
nized. Whether that type originated 
in the Cuzco valley or elsewhere in the 
scope of territory occupied by In- 
dians speaking the Quichua language 
is a question I do not venture to con- 
sider. 

13 Besides Sillustani, there are other 
remains at Hatun-Kolla near by, at 
Mallqui-amaya, and a number of other 
sites; also on the Peninsula of Capa- 
chica. None of these have ever been 
studied. 

The best account of Sillustani that 
has yet been written is that of Squier 
(Peru, pp. 376-384). In the same 
work (p. 385) there is a very good 
picture of the sculptured stones at 
Hatun-Kolla. 

The picture contained in the work 
of Charles Wiener (Perou et Bolivie, 
1880, p. 387), as well as his descrip- 
tion of the ruins of Sillustani, shows 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



25 



that the author has never visited the 
site. It suffices to quote his text on 
page 386: "Trois tours en granit 
noir dont deux encore completement 
debout s'elevent sur le bord de 
1 'eau. ' ' There is not a single one of 
the numerous (not merely three) 
towers "on the edge of the waters" 
of Lake Umayo. They all stand high 
above it and at some distance. 
Wiener's picture of the Chullpas is as 
inaccurate as his description. 

The same can be said of the picture 
of Sillustani in the Atlas of Eivero 
and Tschudi (Antigiiedades Perua- 
nas), and of their remarks upon the 
ruins; with the difference, however, 
that no pretense to ocular inspection 
is made by these authors. 

"We witnessed one of these 
phenomena, from the port of Puno, in 
the month of May of last year. Don 
Enrique Gamero, whose intimate ac- 
quaintance with the Lake has no 
equal, assured us that he had seen as 
many as five at one time. 

15 The report on the large monolith, 
sculptured, discovered at a distance 
of two leguas, from the village of 
Have, is taken from the work of 
Father Pablo Josef Arriaga, S.J. — 
Extirpacion de la Ydolatria del Pirv, 
Lima, 1621, Cap. ix, p. 53: "Avi- 
sado tengo a vuestra Senoria la dili- 
gencia, que tengo haciendo contra 
Yndios hechizeros, y principalmente 
en razon de vn Idolo de piedra de tres 
estados en alto muy abominable, que 
descubri, dos leguas de este pueblo de 
Hilavi, estava en vn cerro el mas alto, 
que ay en toda esta comarca en vn 
repecho que mira hazia donde nace el 
sol, al pie del cerro ay mucha arbo- 
leda, y en ella algunas choQas de 
Yndios que la guardan, ay tambien 
muchas sepulturas antiguas muy 
grandes, de entierros de Yndios muy 
sumptuosamente labradas de piedras 
de encaxe, que dizen ser de las cabegas 
principales de los Yndios del pueblo 
de Hilavi. Estava vna placuela heeha 
a mano, y en ella vna estatua de pie- 



dra labrada con dos figuras monstruo- 
sas, la vna de varon, que mirava al 
nacimiento del sol, y la otra con otro 
rostro de muger en la misma piedra. 
— Las quales figuras tienen vnas eule- 
bras gruessas, que suben del pie a la 
cabeca a la mano derecha, y izquierda, 
y assi mismo tienen otras figuras 
como de papas. Estava esta Huaca 
del pecho a la cabeca descubierta, y 
todo lo demas debaxo de tierra. Tres 
dias tardaron mas de treinta perso- 
nas en descubrir todo el sitio al derre- 
dor deste Ydolo, y se hallaron de la 
vna parte, y otra adelante de los dos 
rostros, a cada parte vna piedra qua- 
drada delante de la Estatua, de palmo 
y medio de alto, que al parecer serian 
de aras, o altares muy bien puestos, 
y arrancadas de su assiento con 
mucha dificultad, se hallo donde 
estava asentada la ara de la estatua, 
con vnas hogillas de oro muy delica- 
das, esparcidas vnas de otras, que re- 
lucian con el Sol. — Mucho trabaxo e 
pasado en arrancar este Ydolo, y des- 
hacello, y mas en desenganar a los 
Yndios." I regard this statement, 
which Arriaga copies from a letter, 
addressed by one of the official ' l visit- 
ors" of the rites and idolatries of 
the Indians, to the Bishop of La Paz 
in 1621, as fully reliable in the main. 
There may be some exaggeration in 
the dimensions of the statue, although 
three fathoms, or approximately eigh- 
teen feet, is the length of the tallest 
monolith (lying on the ground) at 
Tiahuanaco also. It would seem as 
if the stone had been placed so as to 
overlook Lake Titicaca, for the range 
of hills behind Have (Hilavi) domi- 
nates the view in that direction. The 
interpretation of the figures is of 
course subject to doubt. It is not 
impossible that fragments of the 
carved stones might yet be found at 
or near the site. The ' ' burials ' ' may 
have been those of former shamans, 
around the idol or, they may have been 
houses with house-burials, as on the 
Puna near by. 



26 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



The Augustine F. Alonzo Eamos 
(Historic/, de Copacabana, edition 
1860, edited by Sans, p. 49) men- 
tions the same idol, but gives it only 
a length of three and a half varas 
(ten feet, about). He also quotes the 
visitor Garcia Cuadrado, and adds: 
"Estaba en el cerro Uamado Tucumu 
fronterizo a, Titicaca, lo adoraban so- 
bre una losa grande, como al dios de 
las comidas. " The difference in size, 
between Arriaga 's statement and that 
of Eamos, is noteworthy. 

16 The first missionary of the Prov- 
ince of Chueuito (which then extended 
as far as Copacavana, Zepita, and the 
Desaguadero) was Fray Tomas de San 
Martin of the order of St. Dominic. 
It is stated that he entered the prov- 
ince in 1534, which is an error in 
date. That date is from Mendiburu 
(Diccionario, Tomo VII, p. 187). 
That Fray San Martin was the 
first missionary is asserted by Fray 
Juan Melendez (Tesoros Verdaderos 
de las Yndias, Historia de la Provincia 
de san Ivan del Perv del Orden de 
Predicadores, 1681, Tomo I, p. 619) : 
"El Conueto de Santiago de Pomata 
esta fundado en un pueblo de Yndios 
deste nombre, que es de los mas prin- 
cipales de la grade Provincia de Chu- 
cuytu a las orillas de la laguna de 
Titicaca. Eeduxole a, la Fe con todos 
los demas de su distrito el Ylustrisimo 
Don Fray Tomas de San Martin, ca- 
menzando la labor de su Evangelica 
sementera, e introduciendo en este, y 
los demas lugares de aquella nombra- 
dissima Provincia, muchos Frayles de 
su Orden, que acabando de sembrar, 
el grano limpio de la Divina palabra, 
cogieron para la Yglesia una cosecha 
de almas inumerables. Tuuimos (como 
hemos dicho) Conuentos en esta Pro- 
vincia en Chucuytu, en Juli, en Copa- 
cauana, y en los demas de sus pueblos 
Vicarias, hasta el ano de 1569, en que 
despojados nuestros Frayles de toda 
la Provincia, sueedio todo aquel quento 
que ya dexamos escjito del Virrey Don 
Francisco de Toledo, y el modo, y los 



motivos, que tuuimos para boluer al 
pueblo de Pomata" (p. 399). In 
the year 1565, the Convent of San 
Pedro Martir de Juli contained twelve 
Dominican friars, and at the chapter 
celebrated in the same year, the order 
received the "houses" (monasteries) 
of Acora, Have, Zepita, Yunguyu, and 
Copacavana (p. 411). In regard to 
the causes that led to the separation 
of the Dominicans from Chueuito, I 
refer to the same volume (pp. 444 and 
446). That the removal of the Do- 
minicans was an act of injustice is 
admitted by the authors of the order 
of Augustines, which order subse- 
quently profited by it, in receiving the 
mission of Copacavana. (See Fray 
Antonio de la Calancha: Coronica 
Moralizada del Orden de San Augustin 
en el Peru, 1653, Tomo II, Cap. vn, p. 
35 ; also, Fray Andres de San Nicolas : 
Imdgen de N.S. de Copacavana Por- 
tento del Nuevo Mundo Ya Conocida 
en Europa, 1663, Cap. vi, fol. 33.) 

17 Juli is known as being the place 
where the Jesuits established their 
first printing press in Peru. 

18 The Province of Chueuito em- 
braced, under Spanish rule, all the 
territory between Puno and the Desa- 
guadero. See map of 1573, published 
herewith. Diego de Eobles says of 
the Indian population of the province : 
"Los frailes Dominicos de Chicuito 
han tenido tales formas, que pu- 
diendo aquella provincia dar mas de 
otro tanto de lo que da, han susten- 
tado que Chicuito este tasado en muy 
poco : siendo en aquella provincia doze 
6 treze mil indios tributarios, y casi 
cinquenta mil de todos edades" (Me- 
morial sobre el Asiento del Peru, in 
Documentos ineditos del Archivo de 
Indias, Tomo II, p. 36; no date given, 
but certainly about 1570). According 
to Luis de Morales Figueroa, the num- 
ber of tributary Indians of Chueuito 
was 17,779. The proportion being 1 
to 3% for the aggregate population, 
the latter would have been at that 
date about 62,000 (Belacion de los 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



21 



Indios Trioutarios que hay al presente 
en estos reinos y Provincias del Peru; 
Fecha por Mandado del Senor Marques 
de Canete, between the years 1591 and 
1596; contained in Volume II of the 
Eelaciones de los Vireyes del Peru, 
Madrid, 1871, p. 333). If we compare 
with these figures the more or less ex- 
act ones given by Modesto Basadre in 
his article entitled, Puno, in Volume III 
of the Boletin de la Sociedad Geogrdfica 
de Lima, we get the following data: 
District of Chucuito, 7000 (p. 215); 
Acora, 7500 (p. 216) ; Juli, 6500 (p. 
365); Have, 10,000 (p. 366); Po- 
mata, 3500 (p. 367) ; Yunguyu, 8000 
(p. 368); Zepita, 9000; Desagua- 
dero, 1000 (p. 369) ; Huacullani, 
2000 (p. 370); Pisacoma, 1200; and 
Santa Eosa about 1600. Total for 
these eleven districts, nearly 57,300, 
all of which are Aymara Indians, the 
whites being in almost insignificant 
minority. To this number we would 
have to add, for a fair comparison, 
the Indian inhabitants of the Penin- 
sula of Copacavana and of the Is- 
lands of Titicaea and Koati, which 
amount to at least five thousand, if not 
more. The conclusion is reached that 
the Indian population, of that district 
at least, has not at all diminished 
since the early times of Spanish col- 
onization, but has rather increased. 
While this is no surprise to me, 
it shows how unjustified is the hue 
and cry about extermination of the 
natives of Peru by the Spaniards. 
I could easily furnish more examples 
of the kind from all over Peru and 
Bolivia. 

19 Euins exist near Pomata, at 
Yunguyu, at Tanea-tanca, etc. Basa- 
dre mentions some of these (Puno, p. 
218). We saw pottery from Pomata 
which was almost identical with that 
of the so-called Chullpas in Bo- 
livia. The pottery of Yunguyu, how- 
ever, is of the type called Inca or 
Cuzco. The Miguel Garces collection 
contains a number of Yunguyu speci- 
mens. This gives color to the state- 



ments that Yunguyu was a village or 
station of the Incas; a sort of en- 
trance to the Peninsula of Copaca- 
vana. See Calancha, Coronica Morali- 
zada, Tomo II, Cap. II, f ol. 5 : ' ' En el 
asiento de Yunguyu vienen a estar 
tan vezinas las costas de la Laguna, 
que bana al promomtorio de una parte 
i otra i afirman los Yndios naturales, 
que estuo el Ynga muy puesto en pla- 
tica ronpor la tierra, i azer lugar por 
donde las aguas se comunicasen, i 
aqui tuvo echada una cerca que to- 
mava de costa a costa, i en ella sus 
puertas, porteros, i guardas. . . ." 
Calancha mostly copies from the book 
of Fray Alonso Eamos, of which two 
perfect copies exist in Bolivia. Fray 
Eafael Sans, the aged Eecollect mis- 
sionary of Bolivia, has given what he 
calls a partial reprint of Eamos from 
an incomplete copy now in Spain. 
This book bears the title, Eistoria 
de Copacaoana, y de la Milagrosa 
Imdgen de su Virgen. Third edi- 
tion, 1886. He says (Cap. vn, p. 14) : 
"El haber sacado el Inca a los na- 
turales de la Isla trasladandolos a 
Yunguyo, fue por que quiso poner de 
custodios del f amoso adoratorio del sol 
a gentes de su confianza. . . ." In 
the same work he speaks of store- 
houses (graneros) established near 
Locca, midway between Copacavana 
and Yunguyu (Cap. xvin, p. 47). 

20 The name Huayna Potosi (young 
Potosi), a Quichua word, is not prop- 
erly given to the splendid pyramid of 
the ' ' Ka-Ka-a-Ka. ' ' The latter name 
is found as early as 1638, in the first 
volume of Calancha : ' * En lo que gas- 
tavan mas sacrificios, i estremavan el 
culto era en el cerro Illimani Cull- 
cachata, i en el mas frontero del 
pueblo llamado Cacaaca, este por ser 
muy eminente i estar siempre nevado, 
fue muy venerado de todos los desta 
Provineia de Omasuyo, en estos cerros 
les dava respuestas el Demonio, i eran 
continuos sus oraculos. " But the 
word "Ka-Ka-a-Ka" itself is a cor- 
ruption of ' < Karka- ' '— (or " Kaka- ") 



28 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



"Jaque, " (rock man). The altitude 
of the Ka-Ka-a-Ka is, as near as can 
be ascertained, 20,320 feet; the ex- 
tremes being: Minchin, 20,170; and 
€onway, 20,560 (Sir Martin Conway: 
Notes on a Map of Part of the Cor- 
dillera Real of Bolivia, in Geograph- 
ical Journal, May, 1900). 

21 1 have no reliable data in regard 
to the altitudes of these ranges, 
but they are certainly very high, judg- 
ing from the masses of perpetual 
snow that covers them. They are on 
the Peruvian side, known as "Neva- 
dos de Carabaya" and pertain to the 
Department of Puno. 

22 We noticed that the alpine glow 
occurred oftener on the Illimani alone 
than on the whole chain. Most beau- 
tifully this splendid phenomenon is 
witnessed from La Paz, either from 
the bridge spanning the river, or the 
Alameda or Prado. 

23 This has been denied, but we saw 
the reflection too often and too dis- 
tinctly from the Island of Titicaca to 
entertain any doubt. 

24 The Eio de Pucara that rises at 
the base of La Eaya is a branch of 
the Eio Eamis and possibly the prin- 
cipal one. Hence I consider La Eaya 
as the true source of the Eamis. 

25 The water of Lake Titicaca is 
brackish, but not enough so as to be 
unpalatable. We drank it during our 
stay on the Island of Koati for two- 
weeks and found it wholesome and 
not disagreeable. 

26 According to La Puente, the Lake 
receives much more water than is ex- 
pelled through the channel of the Des- 
aguadero, and he accounts for the 
uniform level of the Lake by evapora- 
tion, which according to Octavio 
Pardo is fifty millions of cubic meters 
in twenty-four hours. In regard to 
the outflow at the Desaguadero, 
Puente adds: "El caudal de sus 
aguas puede estimarse a, la salida del 
lago en 4822 metros cubicos por 
minuto" (Estudio Monogrdfico del 
Lago Titicaca, in Boletin de la Socie- 



dad Geogrdfica de Lima, Tomo I, p. 
382). 

27 Measured depths along the Boliv- 
ian shore, immediate proximity of is- 
lands and beach excepted, are mostly 
in excess of 600 feet. The western or 
Peruvian half shows as greatest 
depth, 185.69 meters, or 609 feet; 
whereas due east of it, near the prom- 
ontory at Huaicho, depths of 252.5 
meters and 256.5 meters, or 828 and 
841 feet, are recorded. Wiener states : 
"J'eus la satisfaction de pouvoir 
faire une serie de sondages qui me 
donnerent en beaucoup d'endroits 
la profondeur de 530 metres' ' (Perou 
et Bolivie, p. 390). How far this 
writer is capable of stretching the 
truth can be judged by the following 
passage on the same page: "La Cor- 
dillere neigeuse de Sorata se trouve a 
plus de 30 lieues du rivage." Now 
Hanko-Uma is, in a direct line, not 
twenty-five English miles from the 
shore ! 

Near the little Island of Koa (see 
map) a depth is recorded of 400 me- 
ters, or 1312 feet. I do not know on 
what basis that statement may be 
resting. We visited Koa and it is 
certain that the water is very deep 
there, but we had no means for sound- 
ings. 

28 Wiener affirms that the straits of 
Tiquina have a depth of not less than 
70 meters, or 230 feet {Perou et Boli- 
vie, p. 390). 

29 ' ' La mas reputada y admitida in- 
terpretacion es la que ha dado el Sr. 
Jose Eosendo Gutierrez: Thia sus- 
tantivo que se traduce por borde 6 
ribera; y Huanaco, participio pasado 
del verbo desecar. El enigma queda 
asi decifrado: Borde desecado. Esta 
interpretacion, justo es confesarlo, 
esta en consonancia con la naturaleza 
del terreno y aspecto fisico de la loca- 
lidad" (Puente: Estudio Monogrd- 
fico, p. 381). I remain perfectly 
neutral in regard to the many inter- 
pretations, leaving it for linguists to 
solve the problem. But I would re- 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



29 



mark here that the name Tiahuanaeo 
does not seem to have been the original 
one of the ruins. In the work of the 
Jesuit Father Bernabe Cobo, entitled, 
Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, concluded 
in 1653 and published at Sevilla in 
1890, there is the following passage: 
"El nombre que tuvo este pueblo an- 
tes que fuese senoreado por los Incas, 
era Taypicala, tornado de la lengua 
aymara, que es la materna de sus na- 
turales, y quiere decir 'la piedra de 
enmedio ; ' porque tenian por opinion 
los indios del Collao, que este pueblo 
estaba enmedio del mundo, y que del 
salieron despues del Diluvio los que 
tornaron a poblar. " Another writer 
of the same order and a contempo- 
rary, Father Anello Oliva, asserts: 
' ' Passo a las partes de Tyyay Vanacu 
por ver sus edificios que antiguamente 
Llamaban Chucara, cuya antiguedad 
nadie supo determinalla ' ' (Historia 
del Peru y Varones Insignes en Santi- 
dad de la Compania de Jesus, 1631, 
Lib. I, Cap. ii, p. 39; at present pub- 
lished by subscription at Lima). In 
Aymara, Taypicala signifies "stone 
between ' ' or "in midst of. ' ' 

30 Segunda Parte de la Cronica del 
Peru, Que trata del Senorio de los In- 
cas Yupanquis y de sus Grandes 
Hechos y Gooernacion, published in 
Madrid in 1880, in Biblioteca His- 
pano-Ultramarina, by Marcos Jimenez 
de la Espada. Cieza is one of the first 
authors who wrote about traditions of 
the Collao, as the regions northwest, 
west, and south of Lake Titicaca 
were called. It is worthy of notice, 
however, that Cieza in his Primera 
Parte de la Cronica del Peru (in Vol. 
II of the Historiadores primitivos de 
Indias, published by Enrique de Ve- 
dia) does not refer to the extraordi- 
nary power attributed to the white 
men, in his second part. He simply 
says: "Antes que los ingas reinasen 
cuentan muchos indios destos collas 
que hubo en su provincia dos grandes 
senores, el uno tenia por nombre Za- 
pana y el otro Cari, y que estos con- 



quistaron muchos pucares, que son sus 
fortalezas: y que el uno dellos entro 
en la laguna de TITICACA, y que 
hallo en la isla mayor que tiene aquel 
palude gentes blancas y que tenian 
barbas, con los cuales peleo de tal 
manera, que los pudo matar a todcs" 
(Cap. c, p. 443; see also Cap. cv, p. 
446). When quoting Cieza I shall al- 
ways refer to Vedia's publication of 
the first part of his writings. 

31 This was after the sun had risen 
out of the Lake and Island of Titi- 
caca. "Antes que los Incas reinasen 
en estos reinos ni en ellos fuessen co- 
nocidos, cuentan estos indios otra cosa 
muy mayor que todas las que ellos 
dicen, porque afirman questuvieron 
mucho tiempo sin ver el sol, y que 
padeciendo gran trabajo con esta 
f alta, hacian grandes votos e plegarias 
a los que ellos tenian por dioses, pi- 
diendoles la liibre de que earecian; y 
questando desta suerte, salio de la isla 
de Titicaca, questa dentro de la gran 
laguna del Collao, el sol muy re- 
splandeciente, con que todos se ale- 
graron. Y luego questo paso, dicen 
que de hacia las partes del Mediodia 
vino y remanescio un hombre bianco 
de crecido cuerpo, el cual en su as- 
pecto y persona mostraba gran autori- 
dad y veneracion, y queste varon, que 
asi vieron, tenia tan gran poder, que 
de los cerros hacia llanuras y de las 
llanuras hacia cerros grandes, ha- 
ciendo fuentes en piedras vivas; . . . 
Y este tal, cuentan los indios que a, 
mi me le dixeron, que oyeron a sus 
pasados, que ellos tambien oyeron en 
los cantares que ellos de muy antiguo 
tenian, que fue de largo hacia el 
Norte, haciendo y obrando estas ma- 
ravillas, por el camino de la serrania, 
y que nunca jamas lo vol vieron a ver 
. . . Generalmente le nombran en la 
mayor parte Ticiviracocha, aunque 
en la provincia del Collao le llaman 
Tuapaca, y en otros lugares della Ar- 
nauan" (Segunda Parte de la Cronica 
del Peru, Cap. v, p. 5). The Tuapaca 
may be the same as the Taapac of 



30 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



Calaneha, of which more anon. It is 
noteworthy that this tale hints at a 
temporary darkening, not at a primi- 
tive appearance of the sun. A con- 
temporary of Cieza de Leon, and one 
who had still better opportunity for 
gathering original information relat- 
ing to the Indians was Juan de Be- 
tanzos. He spoke Quichua fluently 
and resided long in the country, 
whither he had come with the con- 
quest and where he married an Indian 
girl from Cuzco. Betanzos relates: 
"Y en estos tiempos que esta tierra 
era to da noche, dicen que salio de una 
laguna que es en esta tierra del peru 
en la provincia que dicen de eollasuyo 
un Senor que Uamaron Con Tici Vira- 
cocha, el cual dicen haber sacado con- 
sigo cierto numero de gentes, del cual 
numero no se acuerdan. Y Como este 
hubiese salido desta laguna, fuese de 
alii a un sitio ques junto a. esta la- 
guna, questa donde hoy dia es un pue- 
blo que llaman Tiaguanaco, en esta 
dicha provincia ya dicha del Collao; 
y como alii fuese el y los suyos, luego 
alii en esta dicha provincia ya dicha 
del Collao; y como alii fuese el y los 
suyos, luego alii en improviso dicen 
que hizo el sol y el dia, y que al sol 
mando que anduviese por el cur so que 
anda; y luego dicen que hizo las es- 
trellas y la luna. El cual Con Tici 
Viracocha, dicen haber salido otra vez 
antes de aquella, y que en esta vez 
primera que salio, hizo el cielo y 
la tierra, y que todo lo dejo oscuro; 
y que entonces hizo aquella gente que 
habia en el tiempo de la escuridad 
ya dicha; . . ." (Suma y Narration 
de los Incas que los Indios Llamaron 
Capaccuna; que fueron senor es en 
la ciudad del Cuzco, y de todo lo a 
ella suojecto . . . Agora nuevamente 
Traducido e Becopilado de la Lengua 
India de los Naturales del Peru, por 
Juan de Betanzos; Vecino de la Gran 
Ciudad del Cuzco, Cap. I, Parte I, p. i ; 
in the same volume as the Segunda 
Parte de la Cronica del Peru, 
of Cieza). The book of Betanzos is 



dedicated to the Viceroy Don Antonio 
de Mendoza, and was finished in 1550. 
At that time, and when Cieza was in 
Peru, the traditions of the Indians 
could not yet have suffered much al- 
teration through Christian influence, 
and hence the purity of these tales as 
genuine folk-lore is very probable. 
The well known author, Garcilaso de 
la Vega, a mestizo of Inca descent on 
his mother's side, asserts that he 
gives, in Chapter xviii of Book I of 
the first volume of his Comentarios 
Eeales (original edition, Lisbon 1609, 
folio 16), the true traditions of the 
Indians of the Collao: "Dizen pues 
que cessadas las aguas se aparescio vn 
hombre en Tiahuanacu, que esta al 
mediodia del Cozco, q fue tan pode- 
roso que repartio el mundo en quatro 
partes, y las dio a quatro hombres que 
llamo Keyes, . . . " 

32 This is not a literal translation ; 
hence I give the original text also: 
"Echaron el cuerpo bendito en una 
balsa de eno, 6 totora, i lo arrojaron 
en la gran laguna dicha ' serviendole 
las aguas mansas de remeros, i los 
blandos vientos de pilotos . . . na- 
vego con tan gran velocidad que dejo 
con admiracion espantosa los mismos 
que le mataron sin piedad; i crecioles 
el espanto, porque no tiene casi cor- 
riente la laguna i entonces ninguna . . . 
Llego la balsa con el rico tesoro en la 
playa de Cachamarca, donde agora es 
el desaguadero. I es muy asentada en 
la tradicion de los Indios, que la 
mesma balsa ropiendo la tierra abrio 
el desaguadero, porque antes niiea le 
tuvo i desde entonces corre, i sobre las 
aguas que por alii encamino se fue el 
santo cuerpo hasta el pueblo de los 
Aullagas muchas leguas distantes de 
Chucuito i Titicaca azia la costa 
de Arica i Chile . . . " (Coronica 
Moralizada, Vol. I, pp. 337-338). Ca- 
laneha extensively describes the actions 
of two mythical persons, whom he 
calls saints, and their travels across 
the South American continent from 
Brazil to Tarija in southern Bolivia 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



31 



and thence as far as the Titicaca ba- 
sin: "Al uno llamaro Tunupa, que 
quiere decir gra sabio, senor i criador, 
i al otro Taapac, que significa el ijo 
del Criador, asi lo testifiea el Padre 
Fr. Alonso Eamos, en su Copaeavana: 
i este nonbrado asi, fue de quien que- 
daron mas memorias de eehos en su 
vida, i de portentos en su muerte en 
las Provincias del Callao [Collao], 
Chuquito i los Charcas" (Ibid., p. 
320). Hence we are again referred 
to the book of Eamos as the source of 
the information imparted to Calancha. 
Indeed in the Historia de Copacabana 
of Sans, already mentioned, which 
purports to be (at least in its first 
part) a reprint of the work of Eamos, 
we find that the body of Taapac, after 
he had been killed by Indians on the 
Island of Titicaca, was placed on a 
balsa and set adrift on the Lake. ' ' Y 
refieren los antiguos: que un recio 
viento lo llevo hasta tocar en tierra de 
Chacamarca ; que la abrio con la proa, 
haciendo eorrer las aguas hacia el 
sud, formando asi el Desaguadero, 
que antes, dicen que, no lo habia, y 
por ese nuevo rio fue flotando hasta 
los Aullagas . . .'.' (Cap. xvii, p. 
96). Title and date of the book of 
Eamos are: Historia del celebre y 
milagroso Santuario de la Ynsigne 
Ymdgen de NfaSfa de Copacabana, 
Lima, 1621. The traditions referred 
to seem to be folk-lore of the Indians 
of Copaeavana and perhaps of the 
Island of Titicaca. 

33 It is strange, however, that an au- 
thor of the same period as Calancha, 
and an Indian at that, Juan de Santa 
Cruz Paehacuti Yamqui Salcamay- 
hua, while speaking of Tonapa 
and his miraculous deeds, makes 
no mention of his death, still less 
of his portentous opening of the 
Desaguadero. He limits himself 
to saying: "Dizen quel dieho 
Tunapa paso siguiendo al rrio 
de Chacamarca, hasta topar en la 
mar" (Eelacion de Antigiiedades 
deste Beyno del Piru. Published in 



1879 by the Ministerio de Fomento at 
Madrid, in the volume entitled: Tres 
Belaciones de Antigiiedades peruanas, 
p. 240). However, he agrees with 
Eamos in that the route taken by 
Tonapa from Tiahuanaco was toward 
the Desaguadero. Salcamayhua was 
an Indian from the southern part of 
the actual Department of Cuzco, and 
the traditions which he relates are 
Quichua as well as Aymara, while 
those referred to by Eamos and Ca- 
lancha are exclusively Aymara folk- 
lore. This may explain the differ- 
ence. 

34 It would be superfluous to quote 
extensively in support of a statement 
that is so abundantly repeated by al- 
most every Spanish author. The be- 
lief in the rising of the sun out of 
Lake Titicaca was perhaps the result 
of daily observation, for it may ap- 
pear to the Quichua inhabitants of 
the northwestern extremity of the 
Lake that the sun does actually rise 
out of the water. Later on I shall 
again refer to this tale of the origin 
of the sun and moon from the Island 
of Titicaca. 

35 "El profesor Alejandro Agassiz 
examinando atentamente las terrazas 
de las costas del lago, se ha persua- 
dido que el nivel de las aguas ha ba- 
jado de 121 metros 92" a 91 metros 
44"' ' (Puente: E studio Monogrdfico, 
p. 367). My friend Agustin Tovar, 
in his short but very interesting study 
entitled: Lago Titicaca; observa- 
tions sobre la disminucion progresiva 
de sus Aguas, in Boletin de la Socie- 
dad Geogrdfica de Lima (Tomo I, pp. 
163-167) records a number of indica- 
tions of the gradual diminution or 
shrinking of the great watersheet. 
Thus he states that, thirty-three years 
ago, the Lake reached as far as the 
suburbs of Puno, where to-day culti- 
vated plots are scattered all along, the 
water having receded at least five cua- 
dras. He also refers to a tradition 
current among old Indians to the effect, 
that the Lagune of Umayo, where the 



32 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



famous ruins of Sillustani stand, was 
formerly connected with Titicaca by 
an intermediate lagune called Illpa. 
Umayo is five leguas from the shore 
of the great Lake. 

36 A case of a balsa being cut in 
twain by one of the Lake steamers 
during a dark night, in the Straits of 
Yampupata, was related to us by the 
survivors. They simply held on to 
the pieces and were saved. 

"A table of temperatures of the 
water, at depths from 8.36 meters to 
256.49 (26 to 841 feet), has been 
given by Agassiz, and I refer to it 
from Puente (Estudio, p. 368). The 
extremes are 15 centigrade at 30 
meters 10" (99 feet), and 10.6 centi- 
grade at 137 meters 10" (450 feet). 
The greatest difference between the 
temperature at the surface of the wa- 
ter and the bottom temperature was 
at 46 meters 88" (154 feet). 

88 1 give these technical names from 
Puente (Estudio). 

39 1 never saw the bird, however 
common, near enough to note details. 
It is most likely a bandurria, which 
Puente calls Falcinellus Eidgwayi and 
Theristicus caudatus (Estudio, p. 376). 
Tschudi mentions two kinds of ibis, 
the bandurria, Theristicus melanopsis ; 
and the yanaruico, Ibis ordo (Peru, 
1846, Vol. II, p. 100). 

40 ' l En el lago existen seis especies 
de pescados pertenecientes a las fa- 
milias de los Cyprinoides y Siluroi- 
des f ' (Puente: Estudio, p. 376). 
Probably taken from A. Agassiz and 
S. W. Garman: Exploration of Lake 
Titicaca. The species eaten to-day 
are: the suehez, Trichomycterus dis- 
par ; the umanto, Orestias cuvieri, 
and especially the boga, O. Pentlandii. 

41 1 refer to a belief, current among 
all the Indians on the Islands of Titi- 
caca and Koati and on the Peninsulas 
of Copacavana and Tiquina, of the ex- 
istence, in the Lake, of a large aqua- 
tic animal described as resembling 
either a seal or a sea cow. When 
treating of these islands I shall give 



further details. We never saw this 
mysterious beast, but the Garces col- 
lection contains a tooth said to have 
been taken from a specimen. It may 
be, as Professor W. Nation suggested 
to me, that it is a gigantic Silurus; 
but the fact that it has been seen sev- 
eral times, according to the Indians, 
"asleep on the beach," would indi- 
cate a seal-like animal. 

42 A grave objection to the former 
existence of a ridge in the direction 
indicated lies in the fact, that the 
Lake has an enormous depth along 
that line. 

43 In No. 10 of the Bevista of La 
Paz, Vol. I, No. 10, there is an article 
entitled: Piano del Lago Titicaca by 
J. L. M. The author gives the width 
of the Strait of Tiquina at 860 meters, 
or 2820 feet, a little over half an 
English mile. Puente (in Estudio, p. 
378) gives it at 629 meters. 

44 The altitude of Illampu is, accord- 
ing to Conway (Notes on a Map 
of Part of the Cordillera Beat), 21,- 
490 feet (taking the mean of three de- 
terminations). The extremes are: 
Pentland, 21,286; Conway, 21,710. 
The extinct volcano Sajama, in 
the western Cordillera of Bolivia, is 
probably higher, but not as high as 
the Sapo and Koropuna in the Depart- 
ment of Arequipa in southern Peru. 
The proper name of Illampu is Han- 
ko-Uma (white water). Illampu is 
a corruption of fl Hila-llampu ' ' (lit- 
erally, much fine snow). I owe this 
suggestion to Dr. Macario Escobari, 
of La Paz, Bolivia. The name 
Hila-llampu, or, by contraction, 
Illampu, is given to the mountain 
at some distance from it, on the Puna. 
The northern summit, about 200 feet 
lower, is called Hilampi (brother 
with); also ' l Hanko-Kunu ' ' (white 
snow). 

45 The church of San Pedro Tiquina 
is quite old. Sans notices a chapel 
at San Pedro Tiquina as early as 
1582. The mention is from a written 
statement by the Indian Francisco 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



33 



Tito Yupanqui who carved and fin- 
ished the celebrated image of the 
Virgin so much venerated at Copa- 
cavana: "33 estubo en Tiquena la 
Vergen en la capilla de San Pedro un 
poco de tiempo" (Historic/, de Copa- 
cabana, p. 136). San Pablo was an 
annex to the Augustine convent of Co- 
pacavana in the seventeenth century. 
During the great Indian uprising of 
1781 it was (like most of the settle- 
ments in that region) the scene of a 
horrible Indian butchery. 

46 Illimani is a corruption of ' ' Hila- 
Uma-ni" (much water possesses, liter- 
ally). At Liu jo, on the northwest- 
ern slopes of the mountain, or rather 
cluster of peaks, the Indians assured 
us that it was properly called "Jilli- 
mani ' ' (Spanish j), but they also called 
it Achachila and Uyuiri. The latter 
was interpreted to us as signifying: 
feeder of the crops; because the wa- 
ters of the Illimani irrigate the fields 
of the natives of that section. But 
this etymology appears quite doubt- 
ful. In Description y relation de la 
Ciudad de La Paz, from 1586 (con- 
tained in the second volume of the 
Belaciones geogrdficas), is the fol- 
lowing: "Hay otra adoracion que se 
llama Hillemana (Illimani), ques una 
sierra alta cubierta de nieves que per- 
petuamente se le hacen, y asi Hille- 
mana quiere decir; 'cosa para siem- 
pre, ' y desta causa los naturales la 
tienen en adoracion' ' (p. 71). "En 
esta cordillera se van continuando 
muchas sierras unas de otras y cada 
una tiene su nombre; y la ques mas 
notable cerca desta ciudad se llama 
Hillemana, ques una sierra que per- 
petuamente esta nevada, y asi el nom- 
bre quiere decir: 'cosa perpetua' " 
(p. 75). I never heard this definition 
in Bolivia. 

The altitude of Illimani is 21,190 
feet, according to the mean of six de- 
terminations, the difference between 
the extremes being 340 feet (Conway: 
Notes, etc.). Sir Martin Conway was 
the first and thus far the only one 



who reached the summit, in Septem- 
ber, 1898. A number of years ago, 
some Indians from the hacienda of 
Tanimpata attempted the ascent. One 
reached the upper snowfields, but 
never returned. Wiener claims to 
have ascended as high as 20,112 feet, 
to the second peak, which he called 
"Pic de Paris' ' (Perou et Bolivie, p. 
408). Few explorers (if any) have 
resided so long in close proximity to 
the glaciers of Illimani as we did in 
1894, 1895 and 1898. We were very 
anxious to ascertain everything relat- 
ing to ascensions of the mountain, 
and have been assured that the only 
known attempt to ascend Illimani (the 
one by Indians excepted) was made 
by Professor Eod. Falb and President 
Pando of Bolivia (then a youth), who 
reached an elevation of about 20,000 
feet and were still at a considerable 
distance from the summit. Of an as- 
cension by Wiener, nobody had any 
knowledge, and his claim was derided 
as pure invention, both here and at 
La Paz. In 1877, when Wiener states 
he made his ascension, Falb had al- 
ready made his, but not a word is 
said about it in Wiener's book! 
Without positively asserting that Wie- 
ner 's ascent is a myth, I am forced to 
state that we were unable to find any- 
one who knew anything about it or 
believed in it, in Bolivia and all along 
the Illimani. 

On the 10th of October of 1895 
we made a reconnoissance from the 
hacienda of Cotana. Cotana lies at 
8150 feet, according to our baromet- 
ric observations, compared and re- 
duced by Professor S. J. Bailey of the 
Harvard Observatory of Arequipa. 
Wiener has, on page 405, only 8006. 
We followed the route taken by Falb, 
but having been delayed until 6.30 
a.m. by our guide, it was noon when 
we arrived at Chua-chua-ni (altitude 
13,670), where the mules had to re- 
main. Thence we climbed to 16,050 
and found ourselves above one of the 
small glaciers issuing directly from 



34 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



the upper snowfields. It was already 
3 p.m. and we were not prepared to 
spend the night on that spot. Now, it 
is evident from Wiener's description 
that he took the same route, but his 
measurements give figures as much as 
2,000 feet in excess of ours, which as 
stated were carefully reduced after 
long comparison of the instrument 
with the barometers of the Arequipa 
Observatory. The description of the 
ascent is also completely at variance 
with the truth. Furthermore it is 
impossible, even if starting at 2 a.m. 
as Wiener claims to have done, to 
reach the altitude he mentions at 4.30 
p.m., and return to Quichu-uaya, 
which he calls the " residence of the 
Ilacata" (p. 412), at 9 p.m. of the 
same day. A descent from Illimani 
at night is fraught with such dangers 
as to be practically impossible, espe- 
cially when we consider that there are 
no guides to be obtained, and that one 
has to grope his way even in the day- 
time. To give an idea of the marvel- 
ous rapidity of Mr. Wiener's ascent, 
in regions where the rarifieation of 
the air is a powerful obstacle, I give 
his own figures (page 413) : Starting 
from an elevation of 15,092 feet at 
11 A.M., he ascended, in two hours 
and thirty-five minutes, 1770 feet; 
thence in 69 minutes, 1450 feet; 
thence again in 36 minutes, 1200 
feet; and finally the last 600 feet in 
an hour and a half. The time noted 
includes that used for observing and 
recording the hypsometer! 

47 The main use of the totora is for 
constructing balsas. Even the largest 
of such craft are made of long bun- 
dles of reeds; they form the hull and 
bulwarks. But the totora is also a 
nutritive plant, as the tender points 
are often eaten by the Indians, and 
even by Creoles, in the shape of a 
salad, with red peppers. It is said to 
be of fair taste. The totora grows 
only in shallow bays and inlets. It is 
found in abundance in the bay of Hua- 
rina, hence the great number of fish- 



ing balsas cruising between Chililaya 
and Tiquina. All along the shores of 
the Peninsula of Copacavana the wa- 
ter is deep and descent from the 
beach abrupt ; hence but very few bal- 
sas are seen, because of the scarcity 
of totora wherewith to construct 
them. 

48 Of the genus Cantuta. The most 
prominent is the red variety, C. buxi- 
folia, the yellow is rare and the white 
rarest (see A. Eaimondi: Elementos 
de Botdnica Aplicada a la Medicina y 
la Industria, 1857, p. 285; also Pu- 
ente: Estudio, p. 387). 

49 The bean is of the kind called 
habas, a large and coarse variety. 
The Indians eat it toasted. That this 
kind of bean is not indigenous is 
shown by the following statement of 
Father Bernabe Cobo, S.J. : l ' Las ha- 
bas, Garbanzos, Lentejas y Frijoles 
pequefios, llamados en Espana Judi- 
huelos, se han traido a esta tierra y 
se dan donde quiera copiosamente.— 
En algunas partes, como en la diocesis 
del Cuzco y en la de Chuquiabo, han 
entrado mucho los Indios en el uso de 
las Habas, y hacen sementeras dellas, 
particularmente en las tierras mas 
frias que templadas, donde suelen 
helarse los maizales, porque las Ha- 
bas sufren mas los hielos que el Maiz 
y que otras muchas legumbres ' ' (His- 
toria del Nuevo Mundo, Tomo II, p. 
417). 

50 Even Cieza says of the Collaos in 
general: "Y que eran viciosos en 
otras costumbres malas" (Primera 
Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Cap. c, 
p. 443). Pedro Pizarro says: "Estos 
indios destas provincias del Collao es 
gente sucia, tocan en muchos pecados 
abominables . . ." (Belacion del 
Descubrimiento y Conquista de los 
Beinos del Peru, 1571, in Vol. V of 
Coleccion de Documentos ineditos 
para la Historia de Espana, p. 280). 
Such statements could be easily multi- 
plied. 

61 The stranger, who remains but a 
short time among the Aymaras, is 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



35 



easily misled by their submissive 
manners, their cringing ways, and 
especially by their humble mode of 
greeting the whites. Upon closer ac- 
quaintance, however, the innate fe- 
rocity of character cannot remain 
concealed. That they are, at this day, 
occasional cannibals is well known 
throughout Bolivia. Further on I may 
refer to several very recent cases of 
cannibalism, not in one district only, 
but in various parts of the territory 
occupied by the Aymara stock. 

62 Hailstorms are not only frequent 
but often destructive. The quantity 
of hail that falls now and then on 
certain spots of the shore is astound- 
ing. We have seen it remain for two 
days after the storm, completely 
whitening the ground as if covered 
with heavy snow. The Aymara name 
for hail is : ' l chij-chi. ' ' 

53 The combustible most in use is 
dried animal dung. Where stunted 
shrubbery is within reach, as on the 
Island and on some parts of the Penin- 
sula of Copacavana, it is used in pref- 
erence to the repulsive taquia, as the 
other combustible is called. But at 
most places this relief is not at hand. 

"Among the Aymara I have found 
f the same utter lack of sense or taste 
for the beautiful or picturesque in 
nature that had struck me among 
northern Indians. The phenomena of 
nature that fill man with awe and 
cause him to tremble for his chattels 
or his person, are the only ones that 
affect the mind of the Indian. 

K The vicuna and the guanaco were 
both common, in ancient times, on the 
shores of the Lake or rather in the 
districts near these shores. Among 
the animal bones collected and sent to 
the Museum by us, there are remnants 
of both of these species of Auchenia. 
In addition to the communal hunt or 
"chacu, " single hunters pursued the 
fleet quadrupeds, using the oolas, or 
"llim." Cieza says of the Collao: 
1 1 Desde Ayavire comienzan los Collas, y 
HeganhastaCaracollo, Al oriente tienen 



las montanas de los Andes, al poniente 
las cabezadas de las sierras nevadas 
y las vertientes dellas, que van a parar 
en la mar del Sur Sin la tierra que 
ocupan con sus pueblos y labores, hay 
grandes despoblados, y que estan bien 
llenos de ganado silvestre" (Primera 
Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Cap. 
xcix, p. 442). Garcilaso de la Vega, 
like Cieza and others, asserts that the 
chacu was especially an Inca custom or 
institution and that the promiscuous 
hunt of the auchenias was prohibited; 
but, as usual, he contradicts himself. I 
refer to the following passage: "La 
gente plebeya en general era pobre de 
ganado (sino eran los Collas que tenian 
mucho) y por tanto padecian neeessi- 
dad de came, que no la comian sino 
de merced de los Curacas, 6 de algun 
conejo que por mucha fiesta matauan. 
. . . Para socorrer esta general ne- 
cessidad mandaua el Inca hazer aque- 
llas cacerias, y repartir la carne en 
toda la gente eomun, . . . '" (Comen- 
tarios Eeales, Tomo I, fol. 135). Hence 
he confesses that in the Collao the 
hunt of these quadrupeds was free. 
Later on I shall refer to the society 
called ' ' Chayllpa, ' ' which seems to cor- 
respond to the esoteric order of hunt- 
ers among the New Mexican pueblos. 
One of their dances is called the 
' * chacu-ayllu, ' ' or "chokela" and is 
a ceremony recalling their ancient 
communal hunts. Pedro Pizarro ex- 
plicitly says: "Cada ano hacian cer- 
cos en que tomaban destas vicunas y 
guanacos y las tresquilaban para la 
lana para hacer ropa para los senores, 
y las reses que morian hacianlas ce- 
cina muy delgada secandola al Sol 
sin . . . En estos despoblados habia 
grandes ganados como digo: y haci- 
anse estos cercos por mandado de los 
senores, hallandose ellos presentes al- 
gunas veces y recreandose en ellos" 
(Relation del Descubrimiento, p. 
280). By "senores," he certainly 
does not mean the chiefs of Cuzco ex- 
clusively. 
06 Cervus antisiensis. 



36 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



57 The preparation of this insipid 
article in ancient times was not dif- 
ferent from the process now used. 
Fray Diego de Mendoza writes as 
follows: "Las papas que en esta Be- 
gion se dan, son de las que se haze el 
Chuno, amargas, que llaman Luque 
[' ' choque, ' ' probably] . Sacanlas de la 
tierra, y sobre una camada de paja, 
las tienden a que les de el yelo, 
quando mas riguroso cae de noche; y 
de dia las ponen al Sol, por termino 
senalado, despues las cubren de paja, 
y pisan reciamente, estrujandolas, 
luego las ponen al Sol a que los en- 
jugue sin dexarlas humor algun, y 

quedan de tres partes la vna 

El Chuno bianco, 6 moray, de regalo, 
lo benefician a las corrientes de el 
agua, y despues lo enjugan, y sazonan 
como el otro" (Chronica de la Pro- 
vincia de S. Antonio de Los Charcas 
del orden de nfo seraphico P. S. 
Francisco, en las Indias Occidentales, 
Beyno del Peru, 1664. Lib. I, Cap. v, 
p. 37). The same, or very nearly the 
same, process is used to-day. For the 
common or black chunu, small and in- 
different-looking potatoes are selected ; 
for the white or "tunta," white po- 
tatoes with thin skins are set apart. 
In case of the common chufiu, the po- 
tatoes are crushed; but in making the 
tunta the potatoes remain entire. 
Both kinds are first thoroughly soaked 
and the black chunu remains in pools 
of standing water for a long time, un- 
til it emits an almost pestilential odor. 
They are next spread out to freeze, 
and when thoroughly frozen, crushed 
to express every drop of liquid, and 
then dried. The white tunta, as 
stated, is not crushed, and further- 
more it is washed in running water. 
The process has remained substan- 
tially the same since pre-Spanish 
times. 

58 ' * Concuerdan unos y otros que sus 
antecesores vivia con poco orden antes 
que los ingas los sefioreasen; y que 
por lo alto de los cerros tenian sus 
pueblos fuertes, de donde se daban 



guerra, y que eran viciosos en otras 
costumbres malas" (Cieza: Cronica, 
Part I, Cap. in, p. 443). I limit 
myself to this quotation, as it ex- 
presses more or less what all other 
sources state. 

59 1 purposely omit mentioning in 
the text the Uros, a small group of 
Indians who were found living at and 
along the Desaguadero and still live 
in that vicinity. The language of the 
Uros has been studied, and again 
quite recently by Dr. M. Uhle of Ber- 
lin. Until such linguistic researches 
appear in print we should withhold 
any opinion in regard to this singular 
group of Indians, living as they do 
completely surrounded by people of 
another linguistic stock. The condi- 
tion of the Uros seems to have been 
the same in the sixteenth century as 
now, although they are considerably 
intermingled with Aymara blood 
through intermarriage. In the church 
books of Tiahuanaco, kindly loaned to 
us by the parish priest, Father Esco- 
bari, we found a number of marriages 
with Uro Indians (Libro de Cassados 
que perteneze a este pueblo de Tia- 
guanaco comienza a ocho de henero 
de 1694. Is MSS. . . The book ends 
1728). Church records are very im- 
portant, since they contain the names 
of a number of ayllus, or clans. In 
three instances the names of Uros are 
given, together with the name of the 
clan to which they belong, and the 
name of the village in which they 
lived. Thus, from Huarina, Uros are 
mentioned as belonging to the ayllu 
Pocona; from the Desaguadero, the 
clan Camana; and from Challacollo, 
the clan Cuchisa. Whether these clans 
were of the Uro tribe or Aymara I 
am not able to say. The best descrip- 
tion of the Uros at my command is 
by Calancha: "Estos son Indios Uros 
barbaros sin policia, renegridos, sin 
linpiega, enemigos de la comunica- 
cion, i nada afectos al culto de nues- 
tra Fe; tienen por sustento i gran- 
geria pescar en la laguna de Paria 



THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 



37 



quien tiene treynta leguas de circun- 
ferencia procedida de la gran laguna 
de Chuquito llamada Titicaca .... 
los que abitan en tierra, es en sepul- 
turas debajo de tierra por el frio, i 
quando viven en la laguna, son sus 
casas sobre barbacoas i enea; vease el 
encuentro, que siendo tierra donde 
nieva i granica, duerman en sotanos i 
viven en el agua; los Indios Vros na- 
cen, se crian, viven, en esta laguna 
sobre el agua en la enea, que aca Ha- 
inan totorales, son muy espesos, i 
deste genero de junco livianos, aqui 
abitan sin mas ropa ni cubierta (con 
ser tierra muy fria) que unas esteras 
desta enea. Andan alii desnudos 6 
casi en carnes, comen muehas vezes 
la carne cruda, i el pescado casi vivo, 
i las raizes desta totora 6 enea. No 
sienbran, ni tienen labrangas . . . 



Su lengua es la mas escura, corta i 
baruara de quantas tiene el Peru toda 
gutural, i asi no se puede escrivir sin 
gran confusion . . . Sus idolatria3 
son adorar al Sol i a esta laguna, 
a quien azen adoraciones de sumision, i 
le ofrecen comidas de Maiz, pero ellos 
ensuzian el mismo Dios que adoran 
. . . son lobos porque se comen una 
oveja cruda, i traen la una del dedo 
pulgar de la mano derecha tan larga i 
tan afilada, que desuellan sin necesitar 
de cuchillo . . ." (Coronica Morali- 
sada, Tomo I, p. 350). The feuds be- 
tween the Quichuas and the Aymaras 
and the tales of warfare between Za- 
pana and Cari, the former from the 
Peruvian Collao and the latter from 
Chucuito, are too often reported in 
older sources to need special quota- 
tions here. 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



w 

eg 
©I 

© 

o 

r3 



Pakt II 
THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

THEIR PHYSICAL ASPECT AND GENERAL CONDITION 



THE shape of the Island of Titicaca, the largest of the 
many that dot the surface of the great Lake, has been 
compared to that of an elongated toad; and Koati has 
been said to resemble a whale. In both instances the com- 
parison is fair. The longitudinal axes of both Islands run 
from southeast to northwest; and Titicaca appears, as al- 
ready stated, like a continuation of the Bolivian mainland 
of Copacavana in the direction of the northwestern end of 
the Lake, near Huancane. 

I refer to the accompanying maps of these Islands, exe- 
cuted on the scale of 2560 feet to the inch, for an idea of size 
and form. Although made with care, I cannot guarantee 
their absolute exactness. The theodolite which I used was 
not a first-class instrument, and had suffered at Liu jo from 
constant use among large deposits of iron ore. 1 While sub- 
sequent surveys will doubtless correct many defects, I still 
believe my maps to be sufficient for the purpose for which 
they were made, namely, to illustrate shape and size, and 
especially the topography in connection with the location of 
ancient ruins. 

Koati, where its extreme northwestern headland of Uila 
Peki (f, of the adjoining map) approaches the nearest point 
on Titicaca, lies about four miles east-southeast of the latter. 
Koati is separated from the Peninsula of Copacavana at 
Sampaya by nearly two miles; but Titicaca, as stated, is 

41 



42 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

only two-thirds of a mile from Yampupata on the same 
Peninsula. The greatest length of Titicaca, counting from 
the Puncu (28) to Sicuyu (s), is seven miles. Its greatest 
width, from the beach below the steep ridge of Kakayo-Kena 
at Chullun-Kayani (15) to the eastern foot of Kea-Kollu 
(7), is not quite three miles. Koati measures one and 
three fourths miles in length and not over one half of a mile 
at its greatest width. The highest points on Titicaca— 
Chullun-Kayani and Palla-Kasa (11)— rise slightly over 
eight hundred feet above the level of the Lake, whereas 
Uila-Ke on Koati is not over four hundred feet high. The 
highest points of the two Islands are, respectively, 13,300 
feet and 12,900 feet above the level of the Pacific Ocean. 

The surface of Titicaca is so broken, and its contour so 
indented, that a trip across the whole length of the Island 
is indispensable for obtaining a clear idea of its topography. 
The "Puncu" is the landing-place for visitors reaching the 
Island by the way of Copacavana. 2 Set ashore there, they 
find themselves at the foot of steep slopes covered with a 
stunted vegetation, and traversed laterally by innumerable 
terraced garden-beds, or andenes. A trail, rather steep and 
rocky, leads upward to a denuded crest. Along this trail a 
magnificent panorama gradually unfolds. First of all, one 
finds himself looking down on an ancient ruin, the structure 
called Pilco-Kayma, flanked by smaller buildings and by 
terraces that sweep around folds descending to the beach. 
The waters of the Lake bathe that beach in long, dark-blue 
ripples ; and in the distance rests the Island of Koati with 
its reddish headland. Above the Promontory of Santiago 
Huata bristles Ulampu, "the crown of the Andes." 3 
Eeaching the crest, the panorama becomes more extensive 
and more varied. To the right, the buildings of the hacienda 
of Yumani (B) nestle close to the rounded top of a bold 
promontory. Far below the hacienda rise groves of trees 
surrounding the garden of Yumani and the so-called ' i Foun- 
tain of the Incas" near the water's edge. Indian houses 



N 



I 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 43 

dot undulating slopes in the north, slopes that descend ab- 
ruptly toward the Lake and rise abruptly to the top of 
Palla-Kasa (11), one of the two highest summits of the 
Island. We cross the crest, and a view spreads out as dif- 
ferent from the one described as shadow from sunlight. 
The side from which the trail rises is the sunny side ; beyond 
the crest the view opens to the southwest and south, away 
from the sun. The distant horizon is encompassed by the 
monotonous shore-line of Peru. The main Lake expands 
like a sheet of silver beyond the crest of Kakayo-kena, and 
the red hump of Condor-o-ua-ua-cha-ue (14). At the foot 
of this long and narrow promontory, that forms the south- 
western wall of the Island, lies the southern Bay of Kona, 
scarcely ever ruffled by tempests. From the trail the slope 
descends toward this bay in steep grades, terminating in 
narrow strips of green and divided by grayish ledges of 
rock down to the water's edge. The trail runs on to the 
northwest, hugging the base of higher points : first, Kuru- 
Pata (10), at the foot of which opens a little valley affording 
a glimpse of the northeastern shore, where, at the Bay of 
Pucara, the conical height of Kea-Kollu (7) rises; further 
on, the twin heights of "Llalli-Sivi-Pata," or Santa Bar- 
bara (12 and 9), again hide the sunny side from view, and 
the Bay of Kona and the long ridge of Kakayo-kena with its 
dark green bottom appear on the left. After leaving the 
cluster of huts at Apachinanca (q) the landscape becomes 
desolate for a while ; but from the corner of Llalli-Sivi-Pata 
on, the somber western portions of the Island disappear and 
the eye rests with delight on the graceful summit of Kea- 
Kollu, the bays of Kea and Challa, and the inlets of Champu- 
Uaya (20) and Coyani (25). The slopes are dotted with 
Indian houses, and green in summer with cultivated patches 
and terraces and long lines of shrubbery growing out of the 
decaying walls of abandoned andenes. Illampu stands out 
beyond the Lake, and the snowy ranges of Charassani loom 
up in the north. To the left rise the heights of Challa-Pata, 



44 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Ifiak-Uyu, and the Calvario (6, 5, 4). After we have turned 
the slope of Inak-Uyu, the sandy isthmus of Challa lies at 
our feet, with the house of the hacienda (the hospitality of 
which we enjoyed for so many months), its chapel, and some 
straw-roofed Indian dwellings. That isthmus leads to the 
Peninsula of Uajran-Kala (18, 19). We look over the 
handsome Bay of Challa, the peninsula beyond, the Bay of 
Maynuani, the projections of Llaq'-aylli and Ye-ja-chi (f and 
17), and the little Islands of Lauassani, Kenata and Chuju. 
It is not a view ; it is a relief-chart spread out at our feet. 

To reach, from Challa, the extreme northwestern point of 
the Island at Sicuyu, the trail must be followed along the 
beach by the once beautiful and, with all its decay, attractive 
garden (23), to the Isthmus of Kasapata (e) and its ruins. 
Directly north of it rises the Peninsula of Llaq'-aylli. Thig 
short stretch is one of the most lovely on the Island, and the 
view from Kasapata, across the Bay of Maynuani, the 
Isthmus of Challa, and beyond the northern promontory of 
Kea, is enchanting. Koati lies in full view, and the great 
Bolivian Cordillera closes the horizon. Kasapata is the 
last inhabited spot in that direction. Beyond it, and as 
far as the crest of Muro-Kato (3), bare rock predominates 
on the slopes descending from the Calvario. The basin at 
the foot of what is called the ' ' Sacred Rock, ' ' or ' i Rock of 
the Cat," Titi-Kala (a), is covered with shrubbery. West 
of the Sacred Rock a green slope descends to the northern 
Bay of Kona, and here the view changes again to the 
shadowy side. The ridge of Kakayo-kena terminates in a 
point in the north as well as in the south. The waters of 
the bay are always placid, for the Island of Kochi protects 
them. Northwest of the Sacred Rock, the Promontory of 
Ticani (2) terminates the Island. Its rapid slopes bear 
scrubby vegetation, except on the south, where the rocks of 
Turi-turini (41) stand out in vertical cliffs. The extreme 
northwestern projection, Sicuyu, is low and partly covered 
by thickets, and the view from it extends far to the north- 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 45 

west, where the surface of the Lake meets the horizon. 
Sicuyu is a forlorn spot, well fitted for an abode of the 
dead. 

Titicaca is perhaps one of the most picturesque Islands 
on the globe, from the number of bays, inlets, promontories, 
and bold summits. Besides the two large bays of Kona and 
the one of Challa, the Island counts along its shores twenty 
larger or smaller coves and inlets. An equal number of 
sharply denned mountain-tops, rising from 400 to 800 feet 
above the Lake, give to its surface a peculiarly varied as- 
pect. Hence the scenery abounds in contrasts. Surrounded 
by the magnificent water-sheet of the Lake, in full view of 
the Andes, 4 Titicaca lacks but arborescent vegetation and 
the presence of civilized man with his resources for com- 
fort, to make it a spot worthy of being counted among the 
precious sites on the earth's surface. 

The rocks of the Island, as well as those of that part of 
the Peninsula of Copacavana that lies immediately in front 
of it, belong to the carboniferous series. Seams of coal 
crop out at various points, and a coal mine has been worked 
at Yampupata for a number of years. 5 At Kea I saw a 
handsome specimen of fossil plants of the carboniferous 
age. The strata on the Island are much tilted, and lifted 
up toward the northwest, as far as I could notice. Only the 
long ridge of Kakayo-kena is formed almost exclusively of 
limonite, and that mineral crops out at its base even, in the 
bottom of southern Kona. But I should not be surprised if 
other minerals were found also, for instance, at Kea-Kollu. 
The geological structure of the Island has not, to my know- 
ledge, been closely studied, although D'Orbigny devoted 
some attention to it. 6 

It may be said that the greater portion of the Island is 
covered with scanty vegetation, scant in forms and scrubby 
in size. No part of it appears completely denuded except 
the northern slopes, from the vicinity of Challa to Sicuyu, 
and even there only in places, as on the rocky slides between 



46 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Kea and the foot of Inak-Uyu, to the summit of that height 
and its neighbors of Challa-pata and Calvario, and thence 
to Ticani. Vertical cliffs rise in a number of places; but 
even at the foot of rocky slides, in cavities at the water's 
edge, lovely groups of ferns are seen. The only indigenous 
tree- form is the kenua (Polylepsis racemosa), found in 
small groves and in few places. This tree does not grow to 
any considerable height, but its trunk assumes a great bulk 
in the course of many years of growth. At the garden of 
Challa there is a very ancient kenua tree, the diameter of 
which is quite ^ve feet. 

The abundance of fresh water with which the Island is 
supplied fosters the growth of vegetation to a degree not 
common at that altitude. Springs are numerous and the 
water of excellent quality. In summer, when rains are 
most abundant, lively brooks and even small cascades 
rush down the steep declivities. Hence, wherever the 
sun can strike disintegrated rock, thus moistened, vegeta- 
ble germs may thrive and tiny groups of plants will arise. 
Wherever, on steep slopes, a thin crust of soil impinges on 
bare rock, the "kara," a tall Yucca or Dasylirion-like plant 
with fleshy, dentated leaves and sharp spines, grows in pro- 
fusion. The popular Spanish name for this singular and 
quite abundant vegetable type is comida de oso (literally, 
bear food). It is especially abundant on the northern slopes 
of the Calvario and of Ticani. A number of plants grow 
upon the Island, which are used by the Indians for medicinal 
purposes, or are known to them as having medicinal proper- 
ties. Mrs. Bandelier collected and sent to the Museum a 
number of plants, gathered under the direction of an Indian 
medicine-man on the Island. The list appended contains 
about twenty species used for healing and for sorcery, two 
practices which are inseparable among the Indians. Be- 
sides, there are some which the Indians do not care to indi- 
cate to the stranger. One of the most common and most 
generally used of these medicinal plants is the verbena. 



Plate X 

The Indian authorities (Ilacata and Alcalde) of Challa 
on Titicaca Island 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 47 

Shrubbery grows mostly along the lines of abandoned 
andenes, and in and among the ruins. It forms the dark- 
green lines that striate the steep slopes of the Island and 
gives them a peculiar aspect from a distance. The hand- 
some shrub of the country, the red cantuta, is found at 
Pucara (m) and at several other places on declivities facing 
the north. It is possible that this beautiful shrub was trans- 
planted thither from the mainland during colonial times. 

In shallow bays like that of Challa, and in the inlets form- 
ing the shores of southern Kona, the useful totora grows in 
a belt of varying width. It is only at Challa that its growth 
is sufficient to permit the construction of balsas. The sup- 
ply at Kona is too small, hence the Indians of the hacienda 
of Yumani are dependent upon those of Challa for the mate- 
rial for the ferry on which they cross the Yampupata 
channel. 

Animal life is by no means scarce, but mostly aquatic. Of 
quadrupeds we have seen only a field rat. But it is well 
known that a species of wildcat, called "titi" (and "mulu- 
mulu ,, on the flanks of the Illimani), occasionally comes 
across from the mainland. 7 On the Island, raids by the titi 
are rare, and I doubt very much if it can be rightly called an 
"aquatic feline,' ' as the people of the country sometimes 
describe it. 8 Birds are abundant. The beautiful "alka- 
mari," known in the Peruvian Sierra under the name of 
4 4 chinalinda, ' ' a tall buzzard of handsome chestnut plumage, 
white breast, and bright yellow feet, stalks about, and al- 
ways in pairs. It allows the stranger to approach quite 
near and only rises to fly away a short distance. A gray 
eagle soars along the shore. Stately gray-and-black night- 
herons stand on rocks in secluded inlets. The Bay of Challa, 
especially, is enlivened by flocks of divers, and by handsome 
chokas. We have seen, between the belt of totora and the 
beach, as many as thirty divers chasing each other, together 
with a number of chokas tranquilly swimming among the 
bustling crowd. From time to time the beach was visited by 



48 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

a pair of * ' huallatas, ' ' the stately goose of the Puna, 9 
white, with dark wings— a beautiful bird, and capable of 
domestication. 10 What is commonly called the "cuervo," a 
species of cormorant, is most abundant on the small Islands 
near the northern extremity of Titicaca, where it has its 
nests, and where hundreds are usually seen to roost. 
The "leke-leke," or "Hiclli" (Charadrius resplendens, 
Tschudi), 11 often visits the sandy beach of Challa or 
the marshy bottom of Pucara. Lastly, swarms of small 
green parrots (Bolborhynchus andicola 12 ) occasionally ap- 
pear (to the detriment of crops) and fill the air with dis- 
cordant screams. To see such a flock suddenly arise from 
a thicket recalls a handful of emeralds thrown into the air. 

Eeptiles are represented by toads, and by small lizards 
seen on dry and rocky spots and among ruins. The Indians 
say that a large water-snake, over twelve feet in length and 
of proportionate thickness, which they call ' ' yaurinka, ' ' fre- 
quents the rocky shores of the southern Bay of Kona. We 
have no positive evidence of the existence of this reptile, 13 
nor of that of the large aquatic animal resembling a seal, 14 
which, according to the belief of the Indians and many of 
the white and mestizo population, exists in the waters of the 
Lake. It is interesting to note the tenacity of this belief, 
which can be traced to several generations and to a number 
of different sources having no possible connection. We are 
reminded by it of certain fantastic animal types carved on 
metallic objects from the Island of Koati, as well as of 
pottery from the village of Ancoraymes, on the eastern 
Bolivian mainland, 15 also of the ancient wooden goblet, 
found at Santa Maria, representing an Indian spearing a 
huge fish. 

Fish are seen often in the clear waters of the Lake. The 
Indians of Titicaca are not much addicted to fishing, but 
we were told that as many as twelve different kinds of fish 
are found in the Lake. The two most common are the boga 
(Orestias) and the suchis. 



Plate XI 

Reduced copy of Indian pictograph (church ritual), from "Boletin de la 
Sociedad Greografiea de Lima. Vol. V." 

Original presented to that Society by Don Abel Mendez of Puno, Peru 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 49 

Insects are not numerous. A small spider, with steel- 
colored abdomen and red legs, is abundant about rocky sites 
and ruins. I saw at Sicuyu, when opening burial cysts, a 
small scorpion. Hymenoptera are more numerous, Lepi- 
doptera scarce, and limited, so far as we saw, to Diurnidae of 
the Argynnis, Vanessa, and smaller genera. I would recall 
here the remarkable specimen of pottery sent to the Museum 
from our excavations at Kasapata, on which is a very good 
representation of a crepuscular moth and of a diurnal but- 
terfly common to warmer climates. The execution of the 
painting of these butterflies is so true that it could have 
been done only from nature ; that is, by capturing the speci- 
men and spreading it out after the manner of modern 
collectors. Of Coleoptera we have seen only very few speci- 
mens. Insects which are disagreeably prominent through 
their intrusion upon man, like Pediculus capitis and espe- 
cially Pediculus vestimenti, also Pulex irritans, are, to the 
disgust of him who must associate with the Indians, pain- 
fully abundant on Titicaca Island. 

Having already referred, in the preceding chapter, to the 
climate in general, I would beg to add only a few statements 
relative to the physical appearance of the Island of Koati. 

Although the air-line distance from the eastern end of 
Koati to its western termination is but one and three fourths 
miles, the Island is more than two miles long, if the sinuosi- 
ties of the crest are followed. The shape is that of a gable- 
roof. The western termination is a butte of red rock, nearly 
two hundred feet high, and the eastern end is formed by 
similar rocks abruptly terminating over a low sandy projec- 
tion. With the exception of that point and the triangular 
low projection of Uito-pampa (e), the beach all along is 
narrow and mostly covered with drift and boulders. The 
slopes are steep, slightly folded, and, on the north side, 
covered with a bushy vegetation and rather tall grass. 
Along the crest, single kenua trees, and even clusters, are 
not uncommon. Wild olive trees also occur. On the 



50 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

whole, Koati has, on its northern slope, a better flora than 
Titicaca. The southern, in many places, never receives 
direct sunlight, and therefore is much colder. In June 
we noticed thin ice, for whole days, in shady recesses 
along the southern shore. The only source of fresh water 
on the Island is a small spring at the western end of Uito- 
pampa, and its supply is insufficient even for half a dozen 
persons. Hence the inhabitants must drink the water of the 
Lake, which is, as stated before, slightly briny. Animal life 
on Koati is similar to that on Titicaca, but less abundant. 

While treating of Koati, I will briefly describe its actual 
condition (1895) in regard to population and products. The 
permanent population of Koati is, in reality, reduced to 
about twelve or fifteen Aymara Indians of both sexes. 
Their dwellings, with one exception, all lie on the southern 
or shadowy side of the Island. At times, however, the 
Indian population increases to thirty and forty through 
accessions from the village of Sampaya on the mainland, to 
which pueblo the Indians of Koati belong. The Island is 
owned by Dr. W. del Carpio of La Paz, who visits his prop- 
erty once or twice a year, leaving, at the time we visited it— 
1895— its management mainly in the hands of the Indian 
authorities of Sampaya. Intercourse between Koati and the 
mainland is therefore irregular. When the Indians have to 
go to the village or to Copacavana, a balsa or two will cross 
and recross ; but if they have no cause for making the trip, 
the visitor on Koati may remain cut off from all the world 
for several weeks. Sometimes even money, unless offered 
in excessive quantities, cannot induce the Aymara Indian to 
confer a legitimate favor. 16 

Culture plants on Koati are limited to potatoes, oca, 
quinua, and maize. The northern part of the Island is espe- 
cially adapted to the cultivation of Indian corn. In 1895 
the Indians had on the Island some domestic animals, among 
them one llama. Since then conditions are somewhat im- 
proved. An attempt by the owner to plant eucalyptus trees 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 51 

on the southern side, and in front of the buildings of the 
hacienda, gives hope for a favorable result. The construc- 
tion of the building at a point as chilly as the slope above 
Uito-pampa appears at first incomprehensible; but the 
proximity of the mainland and the convenient landing-place, 
owing to shallowness of the water (which elsewhere around 
Koati is of great depth), explain the selection. 

In the course of this study I shall again refer to Koati, but 
I now revert to the Island of Titicaca, where the population 
is much more numerous, the resources are more varied, and 
the relation to the Indian population of the mainland of 
greater importance. 

The Island of Titicaca belongs to the jurisdiction of 
Copacavana, hence to Bolivia, in administering judicial and 
ecclesiastical matters. Originally the whole Island was the 
property of the Garces family of Puno, in Peru. The resi- 
dence of the owners was Challa. A number of years ago the 
southern extremity became property of the Bolivian family of 
Guarachi, so that the Island is now divided into two hacien- 
das, the much larger one of Challa belonging to Peruvians, 
and the smaller southern portion owned by Bolivians. The 
Island is permanently inhabited only by Indians, for the 
owners reside there but a short time in the year. The local 
authorities are Indians, namely, an alcalde and an ilacata at 
Challa, and another alcalde and another ilacata at Yumani. 
The Indians are estimated at 800, all told, of which by far 
the greater number belong to the northern hacienda. It 
cannot be said that there is a village on the Island. There 
is a group of houses at Challa, another cluster at Kea and 
on surrounding eminences, a scattered group at Pucara, 
houses here and there on the slopes, and hamlets at Yumani 
and Uacuyu (22). A considerable portion of the soil is, not- 
withstanding the steepness of the slopes, cultivated or at 
least tillable, thanks to the system of terraced garden-beds 
adopted by the Indians since time immemorial, or rather 
forced upon them by the nature of the ground. There are 



52 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

also pasturages, like the bottom of Pucara, the grassy swell- 
ings of Ciriapata and Marcuni (g and 19). The western 
portion of the Island, especially the long and elevated ridge 
of Kakayo-kena, is uninhabited, although patches of ground 
are occasionally cultivated even there. 

The crops raised are : Potatoes, oca, quinua, beans of the 
large and coarse kind called habas, and a little maize. Of 
the now neglected gardens I have already spoken. Potatoes 
being the main staple, the manufacture of chunu is also the 
chief industry. The products are carried on donkeys and 
by carriers as far as the Puncu, thence by balsa to Yampu- 
pata on the mainland, and to Copacavana on the backs of 
donkeys or on the backs of men. What the hacienda of 
Challa gives to its owners is sometimes carried to Puno by 
balsas in a three days' voyage; and what the Guarachi 
family needs at La Paz is taken to that city on pack animals 
from Yampupata. 

Domestic animals abound on the Island. The Indians 
have, as usual, a good supply of ugly mongrel dogs, which 
they feed as little as possible. There are some domestic 
fowl, many donkeys, and occasionally a diminutive mule. A 
horse is sometimes seen. Sheep exist in large flocks. 
Vicious and powerful bulls are used for ploughing with the 
preadamite plough, and even the master, much more the 
stranger, is not safe from these savage and treacherous 
brutes. The cows are ill fed and uncared for ; but still they 
give milk, which is converted into a very fair cheese and 
sent to Puno. A sporadic cat, few rats and mice, some 
very familiar swine, a few ducks and geese, and a very 
ill-natured turkey, together with the guinea-pig (called in 
Bolivia "rabbit"— cone jo, and in Peru "cuy"), constituted, 
during our stay on the Island, the remainder of domesticated 
animals. As Pediculus vestimenti to the Indian's garb, and 
capitis to his hair, so is the guinea-pig to the Indian's 
kitchen. These extremely reproductive animals render ex- 
istence in a cooking-place desperately lively for the unac- 



Plate XII 



Manuel Mamani, one of the leading medicine-men (Lay'ka) 
on Titieaca Island 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 53 

customed visitor. Sleep in such a place, with the many- 
hued, rat-footed, and tailless rodents bustling about and 
chattering with their teeth, is impossible, unless one is extra- 
ordinarily tired. 

Although there is an abundance of water-fowl, ducks in- 
cluded, on and about the Island of Titicaca, the Indian does 
not take advantage of it as a supply of meat; but he fre- 
quently hunts for the eggs. The yolk is green and the taste 
decidedly fishy and unpalatable; but the Indian relishes 
such food. It is chiefly on the small islands near the north- 
western extremity of Titicaca that thousands of birds roost, 
and thither the Indian goes in his balsa, returning some- 
times with a full load of eggs and also of young birds. 
These Islands (see map) are six in number, the smallest of 
which is Chuju, and the largest Kochi, or " Kuji-huata. ' ' 
Lauassani, which is the most eastern, is low and flat and has 
at its eastern extremity a still lower extension, which fea- 
ture has given rise to the belief that an ancient dyke for- 
merly connected it with the main Island. We could not find 
anything to support this belief ; but noticed some faint ves- 
tiges of walls and terraces on the island indicating that in 
ancient times it may have been, at least temporarily, inhab- 
ited. 

West-northwest of Lauassani lies Kenata. It has the 
shape of a triangular pyramid, and on its steep slopes are 
traces of ancient terraces. We did not land on Chuju, but 
passed near enough to be able to scan its sides. No vestiges 
of ancient remains could be seen. Payaya, which is farthest 
from Titicaca to the north, is low and flat, like Lauassani, 
and we saw what appeared like remnants of walls. Koa is 
by far the tallest. It has the shape of a cupola ; slopes are 
very steep, in many places vertical. On its eastern side 
grottoes have been washed out by the water, and one of 
them has a handsome portal with two openings. Graceful 
ferns drape them. One of these entrances is the doorway to 
a long winding passage, the floor of which is covered with 



54 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

water for some distance. This passage has not yet been 
explored, as the fear that it might be the home of some 
aquatic animal has deterred every one from penetrating to 
more than a hundred feet. 17 It is believed this natural gal- 
lery traverses the whole island and has an exit on the oppo- 
site western side. We were shown the almost inaccessible 
cleft where that exit is supposed to be. Kochi is by far the 
largest of the cluster. We did not visit it, owing to the late 
hour of the day, 18 but we saw it very near and from all 
sides. It appeared bleak and denuded, and Don Miguel 
Garces informed us that it contained no vestiges of antiquity 
and that its slopes were exceedingly slippery. It is near 
Koa that, according to Baluarte, the extraordinary depth of 
400 meters (1312 feet) is said to have been noted. I do not 
know on what authority this statement is made, but Koa 
has the reputation of being surrounded by the deepest 
waters of the Lake. 

The lower islets, Lauassani and Payaya, are covered with 
dense shrubbery and abound in handsome flowering plants. 
These islands struck us as bearing more abundant and 
vigorous vegetation than most sites on Titicaca. The grass 
especially is rank and tall. Hence small flocks of sheep are 
sometimes carried to them and left to pasture for months. 
They need no herder and no care whatever, feed and water 
being both abundant, and some shelter being afforded 
either by the shrubbery or by the rocks and cliffs. 

These islets are, as stated, the home of thousands of 
aquatic birds. Koa especially, with its numerous rocky 
shelves, is inhabited by countless families of black, slender- 
necked cormorants. When we approached the island, on the 
eastern side, every ledge and projection was occupied by 
nests filled with eggs or with young birds. Six Indians had 
attached themselves to our crew for the purpose of robbing 
the nests. On our homeward voyage to Challa we met a 
balsa, the only occupant of which was paddling his craft 
toward the Island of Kenata on a similar errand. 



NOTES 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

THEIR PHYSICAL ASPECT AND GENERAL CONDITION 

PAET II 



1 The group of ruins called, re- 
spectively, Condor-konona, Kupanita, 
and Torno Kupana, above the hacienda 
of Llujo, and 12,900 feet above the 
sea, are built on ferruginous rock 
with an abundance of limonite, in 
nodules and otherwise. The compass 
of my theodolite became so much 
affected thereby that I had to have it 
remagnetized at La Paz. It was done 
as well as possible, but not with the 
accuracy that would have been ob- 
tained elsewhere. 

2 Squier gives the plan of an an- 
cient edifice through the remains of 
which the trail from the Puneu 
passed at this time (Peru, p. 333). 
There are faint vestiges left, but it 
would not be possible now to recog- 
nize the plan still obtainable in 
Squier 's time. I fear that my gifted 
predecessor occasionally looked at 
things on Titieaca with rather im- 
aginative eyes; for instance, the 
"line of an ancient road supported 
by terraces of large stones" (p. 335) 
cannot be found any more, and I 
doubt very much if it ever existed. 
With these exceptions, his description 
of the trail across the Island is very 
good. 

8 1 borrow this beautiful and ap- 
propriate term from Squier (Peru). 



The plate which faces page 268 of 
his book gives a fair idea of the ap- 
pearance of the mountain as well as 
of the scenery in general. 

4 From the northern half of the Is- 
land Illimani is not visible, but from 
the knoll in front of the hacienda of 
Yumani. I consider the panorama 
from that spot to be one of the 
most magnificent mountain views in 
America or Europe. The eye em- 
braces, in almost a semicircle, the 
Cordillera of Charassani as well as 
the whole of the Bolivian range, 
from Illampu to Illimani. 

6 The mine was opened and worked 
by a Scotchman, Mr. Alexander Dun, 
but the conditions of trade and com- 
merce were such that it had to be 
closed. David Forbes (Report on the 
Geology of South America, 1861, pp. 
48, 49) mentions carboniferous for- 
mations on both sides of the Lake. 
Since his time it has become a well- 
known fact. 

6 1 have not at my command the 
works of D'Orbigny and Gabb and 
hence quote them from the essay of 
Puente so often referred to (E studio 
Monogrdfico del Lago Titieaca, pp. 
384, 387). In regard to the quality 
of the coal we heard various opinions. 
Many claim that it is excellent, and 



55 



56 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



others declare the reverse. It has not 
as yet been fairly tested. 

7 The existence of this wildcat has 
been denied, but we have abundant 
proof of it. Among others, it is men- 
tioned by Puente: "En los cerros 
que rodean la laguna se halla el gato 
montes, Titi, mas grande que el do- 
mestico, de color pardo, alistado 
como la piel del tigre real, que vive 
de la caza de aves que le proporciona 
el lago" (Estudio, p. 387). Further 
on I shall refer to the connection of 
that animal with some traditions re- 
garding the Island. 

8 If, as Puente states (see note 
7), the titi feeds also on water- 
fowl, it would account for the belief 
that it is amphibious, a statement 
which was gravely repeated in the La 
Paz newspapers in 1895. 

9 Chloephaga melanoptera, or Ber- 
nicla melanoptera. In the Peruvian 
Sierra it is called "huachua. " We 
found this beautiful bird also at the 
foot of the glaciers of Illimani, in 
altitudes exceeding 13,000 feet. 

10 There are two domesticated hua- 
llatas at Uacuyu, a group of buildings 
above the hacienda of Yumani. 

u Peru, Vol. II, p. 100. 

12 Professor W. Nation. See Puente, 
Estudio, p. 374. 

13 Fray Andres de S. Nicolas 
(Imdgen de N:S: de Copacabana) 
mentions a belief, that the shrine -on 
Titicaca was guarded by large snakes. 
Cobo (Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 
p. 62) states: "Contaban los indios 
viejos que era guardado ese santuario 
por una sierpe 6 eulebra grande; y 
pudo ser haberles heeho el Demonio 
ese engafio para cebarlos mas en el 
que les hacia en lo principal; mas, lo 
que yo entiendo, es que el decir que 
cercaba toda la isla una eulebra 
entendieron, y se debe entender, por 
el agua de la laguna que cine la isla, 
la cual en los dias claros retocada con 
los rayos del Sol, hace que en la 
playa las olas parezcan culebras pin- 
tadas de varios y diversos colores. ' ' 



This effect of light is often seen on 
the Lake and from the Island. 

14 The usual description recalls a 
sea-cow. Don Miguel Garces has in 
his collection a tooth supposed to 
have been taken from the dead body 
of such a creature, found in some re- 
mote corner of the beach near Copa- 
cavana. There lives at Challa an In- 
dian who lost his mind upon seeing 
the animal on the beach. Very large 
Siluridae are known to exist else- 
where. I refer among others to the 
enormous specimen caught years ago 
in the Lake of Neuchatel, in Switzer- 
land. It is very curious that nearly 
all those who have seen the myste- 
rious beast have noticed it on the 
beach, asleep. Upon being aroused 
it plunged into the water and disap- 
peared. Those that were seen at 
Tiquina in the month of May of 
1895 were described to us as follows: 
Length about twelve feet, head like 
that of a bear with a tuft of hair of 
moderate length (not a mane, as has 
been stated), body covered with short 
and smooth hair of a coffee-brown 
color. The animal approached the 
shore toward evening, and was neither 
shy nor savage. At Huarina I was 
told by the principal inhabitants that 
whole families of these animals have 
been seen in sheltered coves, sunning 
themselves, and that it was well 
known to the Indians and older in- 
habitants. Several apparitions of the 
mysterious creature on the beach, at 
diverse places, but always about the 
peninsulas of Copacavana and Santi- 
ago Huata, have been related to us 
by parties having no connection with 
each other. 

15 1 allude to the heads forming 
handles of goblets or pitchers, mostly 
painted, which we obtained chiefly 
from the singular site of Kea-Kollu 
Chico (1), and more particularly to 
the three pieces of gold-leaf in the 
shape of two-legged animals, obtained 
at Koati. The latter may be anything 
from a hippopotamus to a condor. 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



57 



16 Years ago Koati was inhabited 
by two parties who exposed them- 
selves to the grave suspicion of mak- 
ing counterfeit money. When, how- 
ever, Bolivian troops were sent to 
search the Island for proof, nothing 
could be found. The craft that 
landed the detachment, returned to 
some remote point on the mainland; 
and the little band of soldiers with 
their officers found themselves in the 
worst of plights. There was no food 
on Koati and no way of getting out 
of the Island. At last it became pos- 
sible to communicate with the shore 
and to secure relief. 

"It was at Koa that, about sixty 
years ago, an Indian saw, asleep on 
rocks in the grotto, a beast resem- 
bling a cow. The sight so frightened 



him that he did not venture to 
awaken the creature, but he saw it 
near enough to describe its shape and 
color; and both agree with the de- 
scription by parties who claim to 
have seen the animal at Tiquina and 
within six feet of the beach. 

18 It was in June that we were 
finally enabled to visit the smaller 
islands. The positive orders of 
Miguel Garces to have a balsa ready 
for us at any time were utterly dis- 
obeyed, by his own manager of the 
property as well as by the Indians. 
It was only when, through the kind- 
ness of Garces and of Don Abel Men- 
dez, we obtained a handwheel-boat at 
Puno, that we were able to make the 
voyage. 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 



H 



o 
O 



o 

a 

ra 

3 
S3 



Part III 
THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 



FEW, if any, of the present inhabitants of the Island of 
Titicaca are direct descendants of the Indians who 
occupied it at the time of the conquest. After Pizarro had 
established himself at Cuzco in the latter part of 1533, he 
sent, early in December of that year, two Spaniards to recon- 
noiter the Lake region, of which he had already heard. 1 
The two scouts remained absent forty days and returned 
with the following information : 

' ' The two Christians that were sent to see the province of 
the Collao delayed forty days on their journey, from which 
they returned to the city of Cuzco, where the Governor was. 
They gave him an account and report of everything they 
had learned and seen, as will be related below. The country 
of the Collao is distant, and far away from the ocean, so 
much so, that the natives inhabiting it have no knowledge of 
it (the sea). The land is very high, somewhat level and, 
besides, unusually cold. There are no trees, nor is there any 
firewood, and what of the latter they may use, is gotten by 
them in exchange of goods with those who dwell near the 
sea called Ingri, and reside also along the rivers in the low- 
land, where the country is warm; and they have firewood. 
From these they obtain it against sheep and other animals 
and vegetables ; for the rest of the country is sterile, so that 
all sustain themselves on roots of plants, on herbs, maize, 
and some little meat. There are in this province of the 
Collao many sheep, but the people are so submissive to the 

61 



62 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

lord to whom they owe obedience that, without his permis- 
sion or that of the principals or governors that are in the 
country by his command, none are killed, and not even the 
lords and caciques venture to slaughter and eat any, unless 
it be with his license. The country is well settled because it 
is not destroyed through war as are the other provinces. 
Their settlements are of moderate size and the houses 
small, with walls of stone coated with earth (clay), and 
thatched with straw. The grass that grows in that coun- 
try is sparse and short. There are a few streams, but 
small ones. 

1 ' In the middle of the province is a big lake about a hun- 
dred leagues in size nearly, and around this lake is the most 
peopled country. In the center of the lake are two small 
islands, in one of which is a mosque temple and house of the 
sun, which is held in great veneration, and in it they go to 
present their offerings and perform their sacrifices on a 
large stone that is on the island, called Thichicasa, which, 
either because the devil conceals himself there and speaks to 
them, or because it is an ancient custom as it is, or for some 
other reason that has never been found out, they of the 
whole province hold in great esteem and offer to it gold and 
silver. There are [on this Island] more than six hundred 
Indian attendants of this place, and more than a thousand 
women, who manufacture Chicca [chicha] to throw it on 
this rock." 2 

After this first hasty visit by the Spaniards (either late 
in December, 1533, or in the first days of January, 1534), it 
is not impossible that Titicaca as well as Koati were aban- 
doned by the Indians of Inca descent. 3 Cieza states : a On 
large islands that are in the lake they (the Indians living 
on the shore) plant their crops and keep their valuables, 
holding them to be safer there than in the villages along the 
road. ' ' This was in 1549, fifteen years after the first visit. 4 

What transpired during these fifteen years is vaguely in- 
dicated by various sources. Thus the name of the first 



g eg 
<5 tD 

A M 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 63 

Spaniard who visited the Island is given as Illescas, an / 
officer of Pizarro. 5 It is not clear, however, if Illescas was 
one of the first two explorers or whether he commanded a 
larger party sent afterward to seize the gold and silver sup- 
posed to have accumulated on the Island. A modern 
source, claiming to base on the earliest manuscript informa- 
tion, asserts that a visit to Copacavana was made by Gon- 
zalo Pizarro in 1536, and that, on that occasion, the Indians 
were apportioned according to the system of "Enco- 
miendas. ,,,r If any reliance could be placed on the source 
alluded to, Diego de Illescas would have been at Copacavana 
in 1536, in company with Belalcazar and Pedro Anzurez de 
Campo-redondo, but it is well known that Belalcazar was in 
Ecuador at the time, and that Anzurez returned to South 
America in 1538 ! 8 

In 1536 the Spaniards were blockaded at Cuzco by the 
Indians for ten months. Hence, while it might be barely 
possible that a small detachment had stayed on the Lake, 
cut off from communication with Gonzalo and Hernando 
Pizarro, but on friendly terms with the Aymara Indians, it 
is very doubtful. No mention is made of it in any contempo- 
raneous document at my command. 9 

A work of considerable importance on Peruvian antiqui- 
ties, but written more than a century after the conquest, by 
the Jesuit Father Bernabe Cobo, contains the statement that 
Francisco Pizarro sent three Spaniards to the Lake to visit 
the Island and take from it a statue, half gold and half 
silver, which they are said to have brought to Cuzco. 10 If 
this is true, it must have happened subsequent to the first 
visit, else it would have been alluded to in the report from 
1534. Nevertheless, Cobo favors the (then general) belief 
that the main ceremonial objects were, upon the coming of 
the Spaniards, concealed or thrown into the Lake. The 
Augustine Fray Alonzo Bamos, who was a resident of Copa- 
cavana at the same time as Cobo, but wrote fully thirty 
years before him, states : ' ' To what we have already said 



64 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

about [the temple of] Titicaca we shall add that it was the 
most frequented one in the realm and with great riches, 
which, according to common belief, the Indians threw into 
the Lake when the first Spaniards entered the Island with 
the captain Illescas. ,,11 Vizcarra affirms in regard to the 
Island of Koati: "And when the Captains Alzures [An- 
zures] and the Illescas, with the Franciscan Fathers, came 
to the peninsula [Copacavana], although they attempted it 
in 1536, they could not reach it [Koati] from lack of time, 
and because they thought it was, as well as that of the sun 
[Titicaca], deserted and waste." 12 After the blockade of 
Cuzco had been raised and the bloody dissensions between 
Almagro and Pizarro terminated through the death of the 
former, Francisco Pizarro himself came to Cuzco in 1538, 13 
while his brothers Hernando and Gonzalo invaded the Collao 
with the avowed intention, says the treasurer Manuel de Es- 
pinall, of going to an island called ' ' Titicacao, ' ' said to con- 
tain much gold and silver. 14 Their attempt seems to have 
failed, for the younger Almagro, in his accusation against Pi- 
zarro (1541) accuses Hernando Pizarro of an attempt to hunt 
for the treasure in the Lake, in which attempt ten Spaniards 
were drowned ! 15 It shows that iive years after the first visit 
the gold and silver believed to have existed at the shrines of 
Titicaca and Koati were already looked for in the waters of 
the lagune and not any more on the Islands. I am loath to 
admit as yet that any visit was made to the Islands between 
1534 and 1538, and incline to the belief (until otherwise in- 
formed) that the Quichua attendants of the shrines, after 
secreting the principal fetishes, abandoned both isles, the 
Aymara Indians alone remaining. What the first Spanish 
explorers of Titicaca reported on the numbers of its Indian 
occupants (1600) must be taken with due reserve. 16 

It appears, therefore, that the Islands were occupied, as a 
place of worship mainly, at the time of the conquest, and 
long previous, but that a part of the population abandoned 
it very soon after the first visit by the Spaniards. Informa- 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 65 

tion concerning the Island from times anterior to 1533 rests, 
of course, exclusively on tradition. 

In 1550 Pedro de Cieza finished the first part of his valu- 
able Cronica del Peru, in which he mentions folklore to the 
effect that " white men" with long and flowing beards had 
"once upon a time" inhabited Titicaca and were ex- 
terminated by (Aymara) Indians from the Collao. 17 A 
contemporary of Cieza, and, like him, a soldier— Pedro Gu- 
tierrez de Santa Clara— has preserved what he claims to 
be genuine Indian lore, according to which the inhabitants of 
the Island, many centuries prior to the sixteenth, invaded 
the mainland and established themselves at Hatun-Colla, 
near Puno. According to the same source, the Inca tribe 
were originally Islanders and made war on the people of 
Cuzco, which warfare began about in the fourteenth cen- 
tury. 18 I merely allude here to these very uncertain tales, 
having to treat of them in another chapter of this mono- 
graph and with greater detail. The same is the case with 
the (much better founded) statements concerning the occu- 
pation of the Island by the Inca, in the latter half of the 
fifteenth 19 century, which will be discussed in the archaeo- 
logical sections. Suffice it to mention here that at the time 
when the Inca first visited the Island they found it inhabited 
by Aymara of the Lupaca branch, or rather, who spoke the 
Lupaca dialect of the Aymara idiom. It seems that these 
were partly driven to the mainland, while some Quichua and 
a number of women established themselves, or were estab- 
lished, around the shrine and at other sites, chiefly for cere- 
monial purposes. 20 

After the Spaniards had become complete masters of 
northern Bolivia, in 1538, it becomes difficult to trace the 
condition of the Island until the end of the century. On the 
map made by order of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo 
in 1573 (herewith published) the "Embarcadero," or place 
where people from the Peninsula of Copacavana were wont 
to embark in order to cross over to Titicaca Island, is indi- 



66 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

cated ; hence it may be the Island was inhabited at the time. 
From the same time (1571-1574) Juan Lopez de Velasco, 
cosmographer royal, conveys the information (obtained at 
second or third hand) that in the " great lagune of Chucuito, 
in the language of the Indians Titicaca," there are "many 
islands peopled by natives, who navigate it in their canoes 
and plant their crops on the islands, and keep in them, 
guarded as in a stronghold, the most precious things they 
have ; and so, anciently, in the time of the Incas, there was 
a temple of the sun, great and very rich. ' y While the Count 
de la Gomera was Governor of Chucuito (end of the sixteenth 
and beginning of the seventeenth century) he caused "all 
the uncultured Indians to be removed from the islands." 21 
Whether this measure was limited to the islands in the 
vicinity of Chucuito or whether it was also extended to Titi- 
caca and Koati is not certain. At the close of the sixteenth 
century the Dominican Fray Gregorio Garcia, a resident of 
Peru and Bolivia for a number of years, describes the 
islands as deserted, which might indicate that they were de- 
populated under pressure of official measures. 22 On the 
other hand, the Augustine Antonio de la Calancha, about 
thirty years later, published: "On the islands which its 
archipelago embraces, and especially on the largest one of 
Titicaca, there are great numbers of Indians, either as fugi- 
tives from the Doctrine, or on account of being troubled by 
the Corregidores and Caciques, or as fishermen for their 
own sustenance, and not a few of them in order to continue 
in their idolatrous practices." 23 Thus, although the Island 
may have been abandoned for a number of years, at the 
close of the sixteenth and in the beginning of the seven- 
teenth century, it was reoccupied afterward by Indians, but 
there seem not to have been any white settlers on it until the 
eighteenth century, or perhaps later. I have as yet been 
unable to find out if the Island was inhabited at the time of 
the great uprising of 1780. 

The historical notices presented above are meager, but 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 67 

they indicate that few, if any, direct descendants of the 
Indians who occupied Titicaca in the early part of the six- 
teenth century can be looked for on the Island to-day. 
While the great majority of the Islanders are to-day Aymara 
by language, and regard themselves as such, it is not un- 
likely that Quichua, even Uro, and perhaps Chachapoyas 
elements 24 are mixed with them, and the statement of the 
actual owners of Titicaca, that its present Indian popula- 
tion is of comparatively modern origin and has settled on 
it from various places, should not be lost sight of. 

While the women on the Island are usually of the low 
stature of other female Indians, there are among them some 
of middle height and more slender than, for instance, the 
Pueblo Indian women of New Mexico. Among the men 
there are some tall and well formed figures, with pleasant 
faces \ many are of low stature and have sinister counte- 
nances. It is not unusual to meet an Indian with a remarkably 
low forehead and abnormally elongated skull. It is known 
that flattening of the forehead was carried on for at least 
half a century after the Spanish authorities had perempto- 
rily forbidden the practice. 25 

The Indians, not only of this Island but of the Puna in 
general, are rather a hardy race. Nevertheless, diseases are 
as frequent among them as among ourselves. With us, care 
is taken to keep the upper extremities of the body cool and 
the feet especially warm. The Aymara Indian goes bare- 
footed, trudges for hours, nay for whole days, in the ice-cold 
waters of the Lake up to the knees, while on the head he 
carries a pointed woolen cap with ear-laps drawn down, and 
a hat over that cap. Over his shirt or jacket he wears a 
poncho, more or less thick and more or less ragged and 
dirty, that reaches, when very long, as far as the knees. 
Thus only the upper part of the body is protected and the 
feet are bare. It is true that their feet gradually obtain a 
natural protection through the skin being thickened and 
hardened by constant exposure. Usually, the Indian wears 



68 ' THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

a sandal of leather. 26 Shoes or gaiters are worn only on 
festive occasions and are quite clumsy. The soles are about 
an inch in thickness, the heels three inches high, the uppers 
thick, often decorated with painted rivets and strings, and 
in the soles are ponderous nails with rounded heads. This 
festive foot-gear of the Aymara presents a striking but not 
graceful appearance. 

The Aymara of Titicaca, and probably the whole tribe, 
suffer from colds, coughs and lung diseases. 27 Protracted 
exposure to the cold waters, such as a long voyage on the 
Lake during stormy weather in an unprotected balsa, pro- 
duces sometimes an ailment which we successfully cured 
with nitrate of potash. 28 Skin diseases we found to be 
common on the Island. During our stay Mrs. Bandelier 
was besieged by men, women, and children begging for re- 
lief from what they erroneously call itch. All our supply of 
Peruvian balsam became exhausted, for, if applied together 
with sulphur, the treatment was invariably successful. This 
contagious disease began to show itself at the end of Janu- 
ary, and by the middle of March over thirty of both sexes 
and all ages had been cured. It is certain that smallpox and 
measles occur, although we had no cases during our stay 
there. It is equally true that the former, especially, makes 
the same havoc among the Indians of Titicaca as among 
northern tribes. A number of less dangerous diseases have 
come under our observation and have usually yielded to the 
contents of our medicine chest, specially prepared at Lima. 
From consumption down to toothache, nearly the entire 
scale has been represented. 29 A very common ailment is 
indigestion, produced by a happy combination of coarse 
food and excess of alcoholic liquids. Beside exposure to 
cold and moisture, the mode of living is the chief cause of 
the ailments to which these people are subjected. Their 
houses are mostly of stone, the more or less shaped blocks 
being laid in common adobe mud. 30 They are usually of 
one room only, and I noticed the same distribution of the 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 69 

home into three buildings or more, which I had previously 
noted among the Indians of central and southern Mexico. 31 
A residence usually consists of at least three small rectan- 
gular and thatch-roofed buildings, each with its door and 
without any windows. One of these buildings is the kitchen, 
another is officially regarded as the dormitory, and there 
are one or more storehouses. This arrangement prevails in 
the Bolivian as well as in the Peruvian Puna. Around 
Juliaca and up the valley toward Ayaviri the numerous 
dwellings of the aborigines, each surrounded with several 
outhouses of almost the same size and shape, are scattered 
over the level expanse like so many tiny hamlets. 32 

Living in close, low, and usually very filthy abodes is not 
hygienic. Furniture is limited to the most primitive. In- 
stead of a bedstead, there is a so-called "gallo," or bench, 
made of adobe. On this bench the ponchos of the inmates 
are spread, and there they sleep, sometimes with a straw 
mat under the poncho. Not unfrequently the dormitory is 
united with the cooking-place, 33 and then the family shares 
the room with numerous guinea-pigs, domestic fowl, or 
dogs, and even with swine of tender age. 34 

In the kitchen of the hacienda buildings at Challa there 
dwelt the ' ' Unya-siri, ' ' or Indian warden of the house, with 
his consort, a number of guinea-pigs, two white rabbits, and 
an occasional chicken. Chairs are not common, but still 
they are found and are invariably, as well as the tables, of 
the low kind so common ten years ago among the Pueblo 
Indians of New Mexico. 35 

In the house of our "compadre" at Kea-kollu, where we 
spent a number of i i picturesque ' ' days, a table had been 
built with two ponderous stone slabs supporting a heavy 
stone plate. Such a home is not without some attempts at 
decoration. The walls have niches, and these niches some- 
times contain a carved image and a few modest flowers. A 
saucer containing fat stands before the object of worship, 
and a burning wick timidly protrudes from the vessel. 



70 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Crucifixes are not rare, although not generally displayed. 
Painted images we do not remember to have seen in Indian 
homes on the Island. 36 It lies so utterly l ' out of the world ! ' ' 

The valuables of the Indian are stored, or hidden away 
rather, in the store-rooms, and it is more than indiscreet to 
attempt to enter one of these. Hence a store-room is only 
known to us from the outside, or as far as the casually 
opened door permitted, in which case one or more of the 
family would surely block the way as thoroughly as possi- 
ble. Mistrust is one of the leading traits of Aymara char- 
acter, a mistrust which is partly the consequence of frequent 
abuses committed by political and ecclesiastical authorities. 
It is also due in part to the possible concealment, in such 
places, of objects of ancient worship and especially of 
sorcery. I would say here that the Aymara Indian is as 
mistrustful of his own people as he is of a stranger. 37 

The kitchen furniture reduces itself to a hearth of clay, 
called "kere," provided with a firehole, and one or more 
holes on which to place cooking vessels. There are no chim- 
neys or flues in Indian houses. 38 As the brushwood is often 
green, or the substitute of taquia 39 is used, the dingy place 
becomes filled with a pungent smoke injurious to the eyes. 
The cooking vessels are of clay mostly; 40 an iron kettle or 
pan is regarded as a first-class treasure and stolen from the 
unsophisticated stranger as often as possible. The pottery 
is not made on the Island but at various places of the Puna, 
as, for instance, at Ancoraymes, on the northern shore of 
the Lake ; and it is bought either at the Copacavana fairs or 
on an occasional voyage by balsa to that village or to Acha- 
cache. It may be said that the kitchen and household fur- 
niture of the Islanders, and inhabitants of the Puna in 
general, display the same combination of ancient and modern 
as that of the sedentary Indians of the southwestern United 
States and of Mexico, 41 the preponderance being slightly 
in favor of modern implements. Ancient vessels are occa- 
sionally met with, but they are seldom well cared for. It is 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 71 

chiefly the larger jars that are preserved for the storing of 
grain and for the preservation of chicha. 42 

The most important household utensil, from ancient 
times, is the grinding slab with its grinder, both of stone, 
called in common parlance, and in Peru and Bolivia, the 
batan. Father Cobo says of this indispensable utensil: 
"For grinding their corn and bread they have in their 
houses smooth and broad slabs on which they pour out a 
small quantity only, and when that is ground, as much 
again. They grind it by placing on this slab a stone made 
in the shape of a half -moon, about two palms in length and 
one in width, not round, but somewhat elongated, with three 
or four inches of edge. They take hold of the horns with 
their hands and, lowering and lifting alternately the arms, 
move it edgewise from one side to the other over the maize, 
and by means of this labor and difficulty grind it, as well as 
anything else, although now most of them use our mills. 
This instrument we have called batan . . . but the Indians 
call it 'maray,' naming the lower stone 'callacha' and the 
upper 'tanay.' " 43 

The batan, whether ancient or modern, has nothing of the 
elaborateness of the "nictate" used in Mexico and adjacent 
countries. It is simply a ponderous slab, unadorned and 
seldom even roughly shaped. Any suitable flat rock is 
selected for the purpose, but by preference an ancient batan 
is taken from some neighboring ruin. The crusher is usually 
a small oval boulder, picked up among the drift. Whereas 
the metate is worked on the incline, the batan is used in a 
horizontal position and indiscriminately for grinding red 
pepper, maize, dried meat, and quinua, or coffee when the 
latter can be procured. Mortars, ancient as well as modern 
(the latter manufactured at Viacha out of white stone), 
some with pestles and others with simply a rounded pebble, 
are frequently met with, and are used for grinding herbs 
and other condiments. 44 

An Indian kitchen containing the hearth, several "ga- 



72 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

los," pots and pans, brushwood or taquia, and the batan, 
and occupied by a number of human beings, a colony of 
guinea-pigs, a dog or two, and the like, is one of the most 
crowded places on the globe. 

Indian architecture in the Sierra, hence on the Island 
also, displays a marked tendency to exclusion of fresh air. 
The doors are not only low but even the sill is raised. 
Windows there are none, 45 hence light is excluded as well 
as air, unless the door be open. I must say, however, that 
the same is the case in most of the hacienda buildings on the 
Puna. The rooms are much more spacious than those in 
Indian abodes and the ceilings higher, but the windows have 
no panes; they are closed with rude shutters, and he who 
must work during the day in these apartments has to open 
the door and sit in the humid cold, muffled in vicuna blankets 
and overshoes (if he has any), in order to be able to write 
or draw. 

The constant cold prevailing in these regions 46 is the 
main reason for excluding air, from the houses of the abo- 
rigines as well as from those of the better classes. Against 
this chilly air there is no way of protection, since there is 
no timber, hence no clean combustible, in the land. Both 
the Indian and the white are driven out of the house into 
sunshine, if there is any, and as long as it lasts. Should it 
be a rainy day, or at night, crowding is the only way for the 
Indian to obtain warmth, and if to that crowding the addi- 
tional heat of a close kitchen can be added, life is rendered 
at least supportable. Leaving the door open, to let out the 
smoke or from force of habit, the Indian family agglomer- 
ates, either in the dark or by the dim light of a rare tallow 
dip until one after the other falls asleep. Usually the door 
of the dormitory is closed at night but rarely locked, al- 
though the doors of store-rooms are fastened. 47 Then 
everybody slumbers, men, women, girls and children, on 
* ' gallos, ' 9 on ponchos, covered or uncovered, but never un- 
dressed. The Indian sleeps to-day very much as Cobo de- 



53 

I 

o 

ft 
O 

Q 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 73 

scribes it from early times: "Everywhere they sleep in the 
same clothes in which they go about in the daytime, except 
that the males take off the Yacolla and the women the 
Lliclla; and when they rise in the morning all the dressing 
they have to do is to shake and arrange their hair . . . " 48 
The dress of to-day still preserves some primitive features 
with the addition of breeches and sometimes a jacket as well 
as a shirt for the men, and of a chemise and skirts for the 
women. The ancient costumes are described as follows: 
Cieza de Leon mentions the pointed caps of the men, called 
by him "chucos," 49 whereas "lluchu" is the name now 
given to them on the Island and on the Peninsula of Copa- 
cavana as well as at La Paz. Cobo, who gives the most de- 
tailed description, but who wrote nearly a century after 
Cieza, says of the costume: "Their dress was simple and 
limited itself to only two pieces, also plain and without lin- 
ing or folds (plaiting) ; the men wear below, in place of 
breeches or underwear, a scarf a little wider than the hand 
and thin, and so tied around the loins as to give an appear- 
ance of decency . . . this they call guara, and only use 
it after they are fourteen and fifteen years of age. Over 
the guaras they put a vestment without sleeves or collar, 
which they call uncu, and we call it undershirt, as it has 
the cut of our shirts ; and each one is woven separate, since 
they do not, as we do, weave large pieces and then cut off 
from these for their garments. The texture is like a piece 
of thick, coarse stuff, its width is three and a half palms, 
and its length two ells. The opening for the head and neck 
is left so that there be no need of cutting it open, and, once 
taken from the loom, all that is required is to fold it and 
sew the sides with the same thread with which it was woven, 
just as one sews a bag, leaving in the upper part of each 
side opening enough to stick through the arms. This garb 
commonly reaches as low as the knee or three or four fingers 
(inches) above it. 
' l The cape is less intricate. They make it of two pieces, 



74 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

with a seam in the middle, two and a quarter ells long, and 
one and three quarter ells broad. It has four corners or 
ends like a mantle or blanket, and for this reason we call it 
mantle, but the name which the Indian gives it is yacolla. 
They throw this over the shoulders, and when they dance, 
work, or do anything in which it might be an obstacle, they 
tie it with two ends over the left shoulder, leaving the right 
arm free. Beneath this mantle and above the underwear, 
they carry a bag or wallet hanging from the neck, named 
chuspa, one palm in length, more or less, and proportionately 
wide. This hangs down to the girdle below the right arm, 
and the strap to which it is hung passes over the left 
shoulder. This bag replaces to them our pockets. This is 
the common and usual costume of the males, arms and legs 
being bare, and this costume they make of wool in the moun- 
tains and of cotton in the hot lands." 50 

Of the female dress the same author speaks as follows: 
' ' It consists of two mantles : one of these they wear like a 
tunic without sleeves, as wide above as below, and covering 
them from the neck to the feet. There is no slit in it for 
putting through the head, and they wrap themselves up in 
it in the following manner : they wrap the body in it from 
under the arms downwards, and pulling up the edges over 
the shoulders, they join and fasten them with their pins. 
From the girdle down they tie and cinch the body with a 
scarf, broad, thick and handsome, called chumpi. This tunic 
or wrapper is called anacu; it leaves the arms free and naked 
and it remains open on one side so that, although the edges 
overlap a little, when they walk they flutter and open from 
the chumpi or scarf down, showing part of the leg and 
thigh. . . . The other mantle is called lliclla; this is thrown 
over the shoulders and, gathering the edges over the breast, 
they fasten them by means of a pin. These are their man- 
tles or mantillas, which come down as far as half the limb, 
and they take them off when they work or when they are at 
home. 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 75 

' ' Their pins with which they fasten the dresses are called 
tupus, and they are very queer and as long as a third of an 
ell and less, and the smallest of half a span and as thick as 
small bones. At the top they have a thin and round plate 
of the same metal, as large as a real of eight (half a quarter 
or twelve and a half cents), more or less according to the size 
of the tupu, with the edges so thin and so sharp, that they 
cut many things with them. Most of these tupus or topos 
have many trinkets of gold and silver dangling from the 
heads. In these pins they place their greatest pride. An- 
ciently they were made of gold, of silver and copper ; to-day 
the most of them are of silver with some carvings and paint- 
ings on the heads, made with special curiosity. 

1 ' To adorn their heads consists in carrying the hair very 
long, washed and combed; some wear it loose and others 
plaited. They tie it with a ribbon, more or less as wide as 
a finger, of many colors and striking, which they call vincha, 
that crosses the forehead. On the head they put a piece of 
very fine cumbi, called pampacona, and this piece of cloth 
they do not wear its full width, but folded, so as to be only 
one sixth of an ell wide. One edge comes down over the 
forehead and the other, twisting it around the head so as to 
leave the hair free on the sides, falls down over the back of 
the neck. 

' ' On the chest, from one shoulder to the other, they used 
to wear necklaces of certain beads called chaquiras, which 
were made of bones and sea shells of various colors. They 
neither wore ear-pendants nor perforated their ear-laps." 51 

Of the ancient costumes of the males, the pointed cap, 
poncho and breech-clout have remained. The pins and 
needles are also used. 52 The men have adopted, besides 
shirt and jacket, a wide kind of breeches, open behind from 
the knee down— the so-called calzdn, 53 known in Peru also 
as characteristic of the Aymara dress. A bright colored 
scarf, sometimes with striking designs, fastens this species 
of breeches about the waist, and the trousers are turned in- 



76 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

side out when they are at work or in a specially bellicose 
mood. Scanty protection of the lower extremities, careless 
and unclean dress, and the pointed cap with the small, nar- 
row-brimmed and round-topped felt hat, are, for the men, 
the essential components of an every-day Aymara costume 
on the Islands as well as along the shores of the Lake and on 
the Puna. 

This costume is not very hygienic, in the climate in which 
it is worn. The houses are certainly not hygienic, nor is the 
manner of living. Custom and habit keep the Indian in the 
old road he still travels ; although improvements have been 
made since the conquest, not only in dress but chiefly in 
household utensils and in implements. Thus the houses 
have doors, often of rawhide only, but still doors made to 
close and with wooden hinges, some also with hinges of iron. 
Lumber being an unknown quantity in the Puna, the Indian 
seizes upon every empty box in which the alcohol which fur- 
nishes him with most of his spiritual nourishment is trans- 
ported, and with the aid of the few iron tools he has either 
bought or stolen, and a stone as hammer, he manufactures 
a door. Of the same material he occasionally makes a low 
table and perhaps an equally low stool with high square 
back, called by courtesy a chair. 

All these are advances ; and for their scantiness we must 
not blame too severely the Spanish colonist nor the former 
colonial government. I cannot sufficiently insist upon the 
extraordinary situation of the Spanish colonies. Importa- 
tion was difficult, and transportation still more, to the inte- 
rior of as secluded a region as Bolivia and the environs of 
its great Lake. Hence advances could be made but very, 
very slowly. If the Creole met with great obstacles, how 
much greater were they for the Indian who, besides, looked 
upon every innovation, every unknown and uncomprehended 
implement or source of comfort, with suspicion and super- 
stitious aversion. 

During primitive times, the Aymara Indians needed no 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 77 

other instrument in order to manufacture garments and 
dresses, or to mend them, than a needle which they called 
"ciracuna," made of a spine (thorn) as long as half a 
"geme" (five and a half inches), as thick as one of our 
darning needles, perforated at one end and very pointed. 54 
Copper and bronze needles ("yauri") were used also. 55 To- 
day they have, on the Island and elsewhere, sewing needles, 
pack needles, metallic pins, and, at Sampaya on the main- 
land, as well as at Copacavana, the sewing machine. The 
maul of stone used for breaking clods of the often very hard 
soil is still in use; but the "chonta," a first cousin to the 
Mexican "coa," 56 with a heavy blade of steel, has long ago 
supplanted the hoe of stone, copper or bronze. The wooden 
plough, drawn by treacherous bulls (not by cows), is in 
general use. Knives, forks, spoons, and ladles are of metal 
in many Indian abodes. Iron axes and hatchets, iron 
shovels, and occasionally planes, saws, bits and augers, are 
found in possession of the Indians and they know how to use 
them. Still the aborigine yet grasps a stone in preference 
to a hammer, and he ties in preference to nailing. 57 He 
steals modern tools as diligently as he can, and no nail is 
safe from him, no end of rope or leather strap, even if they 
belong to a parcel or to a saddle, and if the removal en- 
dangers the safety of parcel or rider. But after he acquires 
such civilized implements and auxiliaries he does not take 
any care of them. The owners of Challa have repeatedly 
given tools to their Indians. The latter used them rather 
deftly, but after a year or so the saw was blunt and rusty, 
and the hatchet had lain in the mud so long that when a 
neighbor's offspring dug it out of the mire it became trans- 
formed into a harmless toy. Then they will beg or steal 
from a stranger's scanty supply of tools, to neglect these 
in turn, as soon as they have no immediate use for them. 58 

This carelessness is exhibited toward everything. The 
Indian puts on a new shirt and wears it day and night until 
it is a disgusting rag; then he tries to get another one. 



78 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Every article of clothing he serves in the same way. He 
likes animals, but does not give them any care. With very 
few exceptions, perhaps not a single one, the Indian houses 
are dilapidated. Sweeping with a very unhandy wisp of 
ichhu-grass is done mostly on the day previous to a feast, 
that is, only a few times each year. The accumulation of 
rubbish, it seems, propagates heat. Personal cleanliness is 
on the same level. 59 

In addition to the improvements already enumerated, I 
have to mention, as an advance made since the Spanish occu- 
pation in articles of household use and furniture, the so- 
called gallo or sleeping platform of adobe. In olden times 
the family slept on the floor. 60 The tile roof, not rare on 
the Island, is another improvement. 

The Indians on the Island are not serfs. It would be 
more appropriate to call them " renters.' ' In case of a sale 
they are not obliged to remain on the land. Those of the 
men who have lands in charge for cultivation cannot hire 
themselves out to others without permission of the proprie- 
tor ; such as have no lands in charge may work for others, 
and it is not rare to find young men and boys, from the 
Island, at La Paz as servants or hired hands. The Indians 
have no real estate of their own, but occupy sites where 
their houses stand, and work little plots and fields for which 
they pay no direct rental. The compensation given the 
owners consists in : 

(1) Cultivation of certain arable lands exclusively for the 
benefit of the owners, or, as it is called, for the "hacienda." 

(2) Personal attendance, without compensation, at the 
houses of the owner, either when they dwell on the Island 
or at Puno, La Paz, or elsewhere... The men while per- 
forming such a service are called, "pongo"; the women, 
"mit'-ani." 61 

(3) Other special services, such as selling of the produce 
("Aljiri") at Copacavana, guarding the house ("unya- 
siri * ') , herding of sheep and cheese-making. These services 



Plate XVII 

Male and female Aymara skulls from Titicaca Island. The male 
skull artificially flattened 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 79 

are not entirely gratuitous, but compensated to a certain 
extent in products, that is, in sheep, cheese, milk, and the 
like. Money is neither received nor paid except when some 
of the products of the hacienda are sold, in which case the 
proceeds are received by the ilacata who keeps the accounts 
for the owners and settles with them and their "mayor- 
domo, ' ' or overseer, who is the agent of the proprietors on 
the Island, although in the case of Challa he remains most 
of the time at Copacavana. Yumani has no mayordomo, as 
one of the owners resides there during fully one half of the 
year. The Indians are also obliged to transport the crops or 
products belonging to the hacienda to where the owners 
reside, or to Copacavana, which is the nearest market. 

Of these four kinds of servitude only one, that of pongo or 
mit'-ani, may become vexatious. The pongos alternate every 
fortnight. Every fortnight a new set goes from the Island 
either to Puno, or to Copacavana if one of the family re- 
sides there, or to La Paz, or Sapahaqui, to attend at the 
houses of their landlords. This may become annoying at 
times, since it may fall upon one whose duties would lie 
nearer to home. But on the whole the proprietors of Titi- 
caca treat their renters with a consideration akin to sacrifice 
of their own interests. This is especially the case in the 
working of the lands of the haciendas and in the gathering of 
crops. We had ample opportunity to convince ourselves of 
how much the Indians abuse the negligence of the owners, 
or rather their careless good nature; how little they did 
for the lands of the hacienda, and how the crops raised on 
them were stolen under the very eyes of the overseer. As 
for transportation of products from the Island, it is usually 
done by Indians who are called to Puno or other places of 
residence of the owners, hence it is not an extra duty, prop- 
erly speaking. 

According to Bolivian and Peruvian laws the Indian is, 
at least in theory, a citizen. 62 Hence he might vote. Such 
an exercise of the " rights of a free and enlightened citizen" 



80 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

we have not had the pleasure of witnessing; but from de- 
scriptions it would be about as imposing an affair as voting 
in many parts of the interior of Mexico, where the Indian 
receives for his patriotic action a compensation that inevita- 
bly culminates in alcohol. The Indians from Titicaca would 
have to vote at Copacavana ; but whether they exercise this 
right or not, and under what pressure, we have not yet been 
able to ascertain. 

Communal tenure of lands was abolished in Bolivia, but 
the laws remained so far a dead letter. 63 In the case of the 
Island, it is private property, and the Indians are only 
renters ; there is no communal tenure, though some features 
of it remain. Thus every year in autumn (southern hemi- 
sphere) a distribution of plots for cultivation is made. On 
Titicaca, the ilacata proceeded to make this distribution, on 
the ninth of March, 1895, among the Indians pertaining to 
the hacienda of Challa. Every one who has a family, or re- 
quires land, is allotted a tract of tillable soil proportionate 
to his wants. This tract he cultivates for one year only. 
Then it is left to rest for a term of four years, while he 
receives in exchange a new plot that has been recuperating 
about that length of time. The rule is not the same in all 
localities. There are districts or valleys where lands rest 
three, seven or ten years. It results from this that, while 
the surface of the Island (wherever rocks do not protrude) 
appears to have been "anciently cultivated, ' ' that cultiva- 
tion has been far from simultaneous. Only a small pro- 
portion was tilled at any given time, the other portions 
lying idle to recuperate. This system of rotation is a 
very ancient one, and there is no doubt it was general all 
over the Sierra long before the Cuzco Indians overpowered 
the mountain tribes. 64 The lands on the Island may be 
classified as follows, starting from the basis that the entire 
real estate is vested in owners of originally Spanish extrac- 
tion: 

CI) Vacant expanses and pasturage, 65 the latter used by 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 81 

the flocks of the hacienda, but the animals of the Indians 
obtaining their share of them with the knowledge and con- 
sent of the owners. 

(2) Lands cultivated, for the exclusive benefit of the 
proprietors, by the Indians in common and without com- 
pensation. 

(3) Individual plots distributed among the Indians an- 
nually and improved by them for their own benefit without 
payment of rent. 

(4) The sites of the homes of the Indians which they 
occupy, without rent, as long as they please, or as long as 
they have no reason for abandoning their dwellings. 
Should they make a change, they can move to another site 
without being molested or compelled to ask for permission, 
as long as they do not inconvenience a neighbor or impinge 
on cultivated expanses or pasturages. 

Thus the Indian has on the Island no real estate of his 
own, but he may exchange the plot annually allotted to him 
for cultivation for that of another Indian. 66 

Political jurisdiction is vested in the Corregidor of Copa- 
cavana ; and the courts of Bolivia rule in matters of serious 
crimes. The curacy of Copacavana is the ecclesiastical 
authority ; but the Indians still maintain, as everywhere on 
the Puna and in the Sierra, an organization of their own, 
one handed down to them from pre-colonial times, and 
which is based upon the clan as a unit. The clan in Quichua 
as well as in Aymara, in Peru as well as in Bolivia, bears 
the name of "ayllu." It is the well-known consanguine 
cluster, all the members of which acknowledge an official 
and traditional relationship, governing themselves inde- 
pendently of other clans, while the tribe is but a shell, pro- 
tecting and holding together a number of clans through 
common consent. 67 

The rapid but irregular expansion of the sway of the Inca 
tribe of Cuzco did not modify these primitive organizations 
wherever conquered inhabitants were suffered to remain. 



82 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

The ayllus remained as before, as well as two larger groups, 
each of which embraced several clans. These groups existed 
at Cuzco as geographical divisions, called, respectively, 
Upper and Lower Cuzco— "Hanan" and "Hurin-Cuzco. ,,68 
Under the names of ' ' Aran-Saya ' ' and "Ma-Saya," analo- 
gous divisions are met with among the Aymara everywhere, 
and were found among them, together with the ayllu, by the 
Spaniards. At the present day the village of Tiahuanaco is 
divided into Aran-saya and Ma-saya, the former embracing 
what lies north, the latter what lies south, of the central 
square. In the older church books of Tiahuanaco the two 
"sayas" are noticed occasionally , the ayllu always. 69 At 
present the ayllus are much scattered, not in consequence 
of depopulation, but of wider dispersion through inter- 
course. A number of Indian families settling in another 
village became there an ayllu named after the place they 
came from, a custom also observed in former times ; 70 thus 
there is an " Ayllu Tiahuanaco" at Coni, at the foot of 
Ulimani. The Indians of Titicaca, at least those of Challa, 
belong (according to their own statement) to the cluster of 
Aransaya of Copacavana. They are divided into two local- 
ized clans : the ayllu of Challa and the ayllu of Kea. About 
the organization of the Indians of Yumani I could not ascer- 
tain anything beyond that they have their own officers. 
They were even more reticent than the Indians of Challa. 
Agglomeration on haciendas has been a disturbing factor in 
original grouping and government. To-day the owners of 
haciendas believe that they appoint the Indian functionaries 
without consulting the wishes of their Indians. These 
officers are : An ilacata, an alcalde, and at least two campos. 
The ilacata represents the administrative power. He dis- 
tributes the lands for cultivation. He receives the products 
of tracts cultivated for the benefit of the owners and over- 
sees certain labors done in common. The alcalde is the 
executive officer. All cases of strife, conflict, acts of vio- 
lence come under his jurisdiction. He also heads the men in 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 83 

case of warfare. So the former corresponds to the gov- 
ernor, the latter to the war-captain, of the New Mexico 
pueblos. On the Island these two principal officers are ac- 
cepted rather than appointed by the proprietor on or about 
the first of January of each year; 71 also the campos, who 
are subalterns and assistants, watching the fields and the 
manner in which they are attended, the housing of the crops, 
their transport, the dispatching of pongos, and the like. All 
these officers have their staffs of office, with silver heads if 
possible, but no distinctive costume. 

I have said that the owners accept the officers proposed. 
The natives of Challa told me emphatically that there ex- 
isted a council of old men, and that this council proposed 
the ilacata, alcalde and campos to be appointed each year. 
The existence of such a body was denied by the owners. 
Probably both sides were right, each from their own stand- 
point. A council certainly exists, but it does not propose 
the men of its choice directly; it elects them ! We had proof 
of this while on the Island, in the fact that the Indians, 
among themselves, were quietly speaking of somebody as 
next ilacata, whereas the owner himself had not yet 
thought of any one. In cases of great importance a pub- 
lic meeting may be called, at which even women have vote 
and voice. 

The term ilacata is an Aymara word, whereas alcalde is 
Spanish. We endeavored to find out how the alcalde was 
called in Aymara, but without result. 72 In the docu- 
ments concerning the great Indian uprising of 1780 and fol- 
lowing years, of which Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui, or Tupac 
Amaru, was a conspicuous figure in the beginning, both the 
Indian alcaldes and the ilacatas are mentioned. 73 Among 
northern Peruvian Indians, the gooemadores seem to repre- 
sent the Bolivian ilacata. The alcalde was and is the police- 
magistrate of his tribe, or comunidad, 1 * hence he seems to 
be the counterpart of the capitan a guerra of the pueblos of 
New Mexico and northern Mexico; whereas the campos 



84 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

are alguaziles or constables, similar to the tenientes of 
northern village-Indians. That the alcalde is a leader in 
warfare was plainly shown on the 16th of March, 1895, when 
the Indians along the Peruvian shores had risen and were 
threatening Copacavana. It was the alcalde to whom the 
Corregidor of Copacavana gave orders to come to the relief 
with armed men, and similar orders were imparted to all 
the Indian alcaldes within the jurisdiction. The ilacatas re- 
mained quietly at home, and we were assured that they had 
nothing to do with the warlike preparations. 

With the intermingling and shifting of clans, the changes 
wrought thereby and the formation of new ones, it is not 
easy now to detect primitive customs in regard to marriage, 
naming of children and interment. It seems certain, how- 
ever, that marriage originally was exogamous, with descent 
in the female line. 75 On the Island, regular marriage 
through the Church is officially required, but the Indians do 
not follow the precept. Baptism is more rigidly observed, 
and one reason for this may be the greater cheapness of the 
ceremony. Marriages are, according to the character of 
the parish priest, often expensive. The complaint raised 
against the clergy on that score is unhappily too well justi- 
fied. It is true that with the advent of the Franciscans at 
the convent of Copacavana, a laudable change has taken 
place ; still the Indians have remained rather loose in their 
marital relations, and little punishment is meted out to the 
unfaithful husband or wife. As to chastity, the natives are 
like Indians everywhere else, and like the population of 
these countries in general. 76 Not a single marriage hav- 
ing been performed while we were on the Islands, we cannot 
give any details from personal knowledge. We, however, 
took part as god-father and god-mother in an Indian bap- 
tism, which was carried out strictly according to the rules 
of the Church. As presents, we had to give the mother (not 
to the father) chocolate, rice, sugar, two skirts— one for 
herself and another for the baby— and two chemises for the 



B ° 



o 

1 

ft 

e8 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 85 

child. The father being the sheep herder of the Island, we 
were excused from adding fresh meat to the gifts, but made 
up for it in the number of chemises. 

We diligently inquired about aboriginal personal names, 
but were invariably told there were none, many personal 
names in Aymara having turned into family names since 
the conquest. 77 That primitive ceremonies are yet secretly 
performed, both at marriage and at the birth of a child, is 
beyond all doubt, for we have seen too many evidences of 
the power sorcery and ancient ceremonials still exert over 
the Indian in every phase of life. But it is not possible, in a 
single year's contact, to gain the confidence of so reticent a 
tribe as the Aymara. In regard to burials we were more 
fortunate. In the first place, we witnessed at least a part of 
the burial of an adult at Challa ; but saw only what can be 
seen, with slight modifications, among the New Mexico pue- 
blos, in church. The body was wrapped in ponchos; but 
what transpired in the churchyard while the body was being 
interred, we were not allowed to witness. At Tiahuanaco, 
however, we were reliably informed that when a child dies, 
a vessel containing water, some food, and a small wisp or 
broom, are put into the grave with the body. The belief is 
that it takes the soul several days' travel to reach heaven, 
and that the broom is required for sweeping the road in 
order to reach the last resting place. 78 While on the Island 
we were assured that on the death of an Indian peculiar 
ceremonies are performed around the body, and that when 
that body has been removed from the house, ashes are 
strewn on the floor inside the door-sill, and the house is 
locked from the outside. After burial the people examine 
the floor carefully. This is done by ' l old men, ' ' and seldom 
do they fail to discover foot-prints of men, women and 
roosters. The former are looked upon as prognosticating 
further deaths in the family, and the latter as indicating the 
presence of evil spirits whom they call "devils." It is inter- 
esting to compare these practices with those in use among 



86 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

the pueblos as well as with ancient Peruvian customs men- 
tioned by early chroniclers. 79 

So far as our observation goes, organization, marriage 
and other customs, on the Island, seem to be like those we 
saw and heard of at other places in Bolivia. There are 
local variations, but the main features are the same. In 
another work I shall record data obtained elsewhere in 
Bolivia, and that throw much more light on all these ques- 
tions. For the present I confine myself to what we observed 
and learned on the Island and in its neighborhood. 

If we resume the foregoing, we find (1) the same disposi- 
tion of buildings constituting the Indian home as in central 
and southern Mexico; (2) a degree of development in art 
and industry about on a level with that of the New Mexico 
pueblos half a century ago; 80 (3) communal tenure of 
lands; (4) a system of clanship ante-dating Spanish occu- 
pation, with indications that the original gentes may have 
partly disappeared, whereas new clans have sprung up, tak- 
ing their names mainly from localities; (5) officers, elective 
in the clan, but under ostensible control of the government, 
and of the landowners where the Indians live on large 
estates, as on the Island ; these officers corresponding to the 
governor, war-captain, and assistants of the New Mexico 
village; (6) marriage customs, officially regulated by the 
Church. Here I should add that in the seventeenth century 
the ayllu may have already lost control of marital rules, 81 
marriages becoming indiscriminately indogamous and ex- 
ogamous. The distribution of estates depends upon the will 
of the parents, and there is not, as among the pueblos, as 
strict a division between what belongs to the mother and 
what pertains to the father ; and yet it is asserted that the 
wife controls whatever is housed, or contained in the house ! 
We noticed that we never obtained articles of the household, 
such as ancient pottery used in a kitchen, except with consent 
of the women. (7 ) Burial rites resembling those of the Mexi- 
can and New Mexico sedentary Indians at the present time. 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 87 

The life of the Indian on the Island is seemingly monoto- 
nous. Agriculture is his chief occupation. He plants maize 
in October and harvests it in May. Barley is sown in Janu- 
ary and February, and matures in May also. Potatoes, 
which are the important staple, are planted in August and 
September, so are the oca, and the quinua, but early pota- 
toes are already harvested in January and February, 
whereas oca and quinua can only be gathered in May. This 
cycle of crops recurs with unvarying regularity year in and 
year out, and this is the narrow circle within which the lead- 
ing occupations of the Islanders, and of the Indians in gen- 
eral, are kept alive. Personal service to the owners bears 
the same character of monotonous periodicity. But as these 
duties require absence from home, and at places where there 
is more to be seen and heard (as, for instance, La Paz and 
Puno), the Indian of Titicaca has become more wide-awake 
and crafty, more malicious, than many of the Indians of 
other localities of the Puna ; his wits are sharper, and he is 
by no means the clumsy being as which he may appear at 
first glance. While at home, little sociability can be noticed. 
They hardly gather except on feast-days. Life is much the 
same as in a pueblo of New Mexico. 

The young men associate more, and chiefly at night. 
Many of them, or of such as are married but still young, go 
on trading expeditions to Yungas, to the hot regions beyond 
the snowy Illimani. 82 They take with them mules and don- 
keys laden with products, mostly chunu and oca, also barley, 
and trade them off for coca, coffee, and sweet tropical 
fruit. These they sell either at Copacavana or on the 
Island, keeping a respectable lot for themselves. Such trips 
furnish food for discussion at home. An occasional voyage 
to the eastern Bolivian shore, to buy pottery and peaches, 
the former at Ancoraymes, the latter from the vicinity of 
Sorata, is another source of talk outside of the every-day 
treadmill. Gossip is as rank and rife among them as in any 
civilized community, and as the Aymara Indian is naturally 



88 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

of a quarrelsome and rancorous disposition, squabbles in 
words and deeds are not uncommon. For such dissensions 
there is always ample pretext. When crops are being gath- 
ered, stealing is diligently practiced. They are as dishonest 
towards each other as towards the owners of the Island, and 
we know of an instance of an old man, who had to sit up 
night after night in the bitterest cold and in the open field, 
to guard his potato crop. 

During our stay we had occasion to heal a group of 
Indians, all of the cluster of Kea, who had ill-treated each 
other on the most futile pretexts. But the great occasion 
for displaying prowess is with their neighbors, the Indians 
of the hacienda of Yumani. The latter are as pugnacious as 
those of Challa and, although much less numerous, provoke 
hostilities now and then by trespassing upon their neigh- 
bors' lands. The results are regular engagements with 
slings and stones, women supplying the men with projec- 
tiles, which they carry in their skirts. A number are badly 
wounded and now and then some are killed, for the Indian is 
dangerously expert with the sling. Such engagements end 
invariably in the rout of the Yumani warriors, but still they 
are renewed annually. Among the Aymara, hostilities be- 
tween villages are common occurrences, and a number of 
persons are killed every year in fights between pueblos or 
haciendas, or on festive occasions. 

There is no school on the Island. An old man, who speaks 
Quichua as well as Aymara, teaches some of the children 
church hymns and Catechism in their own language. There 
is, as far as we could ascertain, one Indian, an old man, who 
is able to read and write. He does this lying on the floor, 
with his iace down. His chirography is as original as his 
orthography is picturesque. Some of the Indians still pre- 
serve a kind of picture-writing, of which the annexed plate 
is a specimen. It is very difficult to obtain such pictographs. 
The Indians refuse even to exhibit them, and our tenders of 
money could not induce them to show us one of these curious 



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THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 89 

pictographs. Their import is wholly religious ; they are the 
Catechism, and church-prayers, pictorially represented. 
The one herewith presented belonged to Don Abel Mendoz 
of Puno, who sent it to the Geographical Society at Lima, 
and the copy is a photolithographic publication in that 
society's Bulletin. 83 Nobody has, as yet, been able to 
secure a literal translation, but it seems certain that they 
all relate to church ritual and are of post-Columbian ori- 
gin. 84 For keeping their accounts with the hacienda, the 
Indians, on the Island as well as on the flanks of Illimani 
and elsewhere in the Sierra, still use a simple "quippu" or 
knotted string, also sticks with notches. We have seen the 
former in use at Llujo. 85 

Councils are held on matters of interest to the whole 
community, but where and when we could not ascertain. 
The affairs of the little commonwealths on the Island are 
discussed, and Indians are by no means indifferent to the 
outside world either. We noticed, during our stay among 
them while the civil war in Peru was going on, with what 
interest the Indians followed the course of events and how 
surprisingly well informed they were of military move- 
ments. When Chilian troops once trespassed on Bolivian 
territory and an invasion of Bolivia by them was feared, we 
obtained the news through our Indians at Challa and at once 
noticed that the occurrence was not by any means a matter 
of indifference to them. While the Indian uprising along 
the Peruvian border continued and negotiations were being 
carried on secretly between the insurgents and the Indians 
on the Peninsula of Copacavana, we now and then noticed 
fire-signals on the mainland both west and east, and it was 
not very reassuring to see a response flaring up on the 
summit of Kea-Kollu, the most convenient height for that 
purpose on the Island. Of sign-language we have, as yet, 
not seen any trace. 

The condition of the Indian of the Puna appears to be 
poverty, nay, indigence. One who arrives on the great 



90 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

central plateau and sees the Indian trundling along with 
bare feet or at best only with sandals, his body protected by 
a ragged poncho, following his donkey, as shaggy and un- 
couth as the master^ or a llama; sees him devouring an 
unappetizing meal of chuhu and oca or roasted beans on 
the road, and sees the dingy, close, unclean home where the 
same kind of meal is taken, is led to deplore the fate of the 
aborigine. 86 And yet, the Indians own more wealth in 
money than many of the landholders in Bolivia, but this 
money they hide most anxiously. Frequent spoliations, 
especially since the separation of South America from 
Spain, is one reason why the Indian hides his wealth. He 
keeps it for certain festive occasions, on which he lavishly 
spends for display in dances and in orgies. He hoards also 
for another purpose. The Indian is slowly accumulating 
even firearms. On the Island, revolvers are by no means 
rare, neither is ammunition. The disconnected state of 
Indian society, their segregation, maintained also after the 
Spanish occupation, render an uprising very improbable; 
but should they ever be able to coalesce, the situation of 
Bolivia and of the Peruvian Sierra might become exceed- 
ingly critical. 

These are the main reasons why the Indian is so ex- 
tremely anxious, as I have previously stated, to secure 
money. He uses it also as currency in his daily transac- 
tions. But there is a substance which he prizes even more, 
for certain reasons, than gold or silver, and this is coca. 
The dried leaves of Erythroxilon Coca, a product of the 
hot lands, are in many cases a greater incentive for the 
Indian to sell or to work than money. 87 Such has been our 
experience elsewhere. Coca is, to the older men among 
them, more indispensable than food or drink. I need not 
treat here of the qualities attributed to this plant, whether 
real or imaginary; but its leaves are, if not another cur- 
rency, like shell-beads among northern Indians, often a 
much surer resource than silver or gold. The use of coca 



•; 









3 

x £ 

i E 

ffi 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 91 

is more common and more widely distributed among 
the male Indians than it was before the time of Pizarro, 
because the coca-plant was then cultivated to a limited ex- 
tent only, 88 and the coca-producing regions have become 
more accessible. What has been published about planta- 
tions of coca on Titicaca Island for the benefit of the Incas 
is, at best, very doubtful. 89 

Both money and coca are indispensable to the Indians for 
religious purposes. As religious performances constitute 
an important part of their exterior life, and as their modes 
of thinking and the motives of their actions are dependent 
upon religious beliefs, I shall have to approach, though 
timidly, this important field as far as we were able to 
scrutinize it while on the Island of Titicaca and at Copa- 
cavana. 

The Indian of Bolivia is a Catholic; at least nominally. 
He clings with utmost tenacity to his local church and cer- 
tain sanctuaries, to the images they contain, and to every 
vestment and ornament. This attachment is manifested in 
the presence of the stranger and to any one who would en- 
deavor to deride or profanate such objects. But, in case of 
a general uprising, I doubt very much (and in this I am 
confirmed by the opinion of reliable parish priests) whether 
the Indians would not return openly to a paganism which 
at heart they still profess and in secret actually practise. 
The great Indian rebellion of 1781 would have culminated 
in such a return. 90 The Aymara Indian, especially the 
younger generation and the sorcerers, are fetish-worship- 
ers to-day, while they follow the rites of the church also. 
The latter is done sincerely, inasmuch as the Indian at- 
tributes to these rites and ceremonies power in cases when 
the ceremonials of his primitive creed are powerless; in 
other words : he sincerely believes Catholic rites and pray- 
ers to be "big medicine" for certain things, whereas he 
still clings to the other, and with still greater tenacity per- 
haps. I can but repeat, on this point, what I have already 



92 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

published in regard to the tribes of the southwestern United 
States and of northern Mexico : " It is vain to deny that the 
southwestern Indian is not an idolater at heart, but it is 
equally preposterous to assume that he is not a sincere 
Catholic. Only he assigns to each belief a certain field of 
action, and has minutely circumscribed each one. He liter- 
ally gives to God what, in his judgment, belongs to God, and 
to the devil what he thinks the devil is entitled to, for the 
Indian's own benefit. Woe unto him who touches his an- 
cient idols, but thrice woe to him who derides his church 
or desecrates its ornaments." 91 Substituting "Aymara of 
Bolivia and Peru" for "southwestern Indian," and this 
statement stands as well for South America as for those 
parts of the northern hemisphere about which it was 
written. 

The Indian, so far as we could observe, firmly believes in 
a spiritual being— spiritual in the sense that it is invisible 
to his eyes— which being is the Christian God, "Dios" or 
"Dius," and for which he has, at least on the Island, no 
other name. 92 The Indian professes great devotion to the 
patron saint of his chapel, and on the Island ' ' Our Lady of 
the Light," the miraculous image of Copacavana, certainly 
stands higher in his estimation than the invisible "Dius." 
He attends church nearly every Sunday. The balsas that 
cross to Yampupata and recross, are filled with men, 
women and children on Saturdays, who go to pray at the 
sanctuary of i ' Nuestra Senora de Copacavana, ' ' and at the 
same time to sell their products at the Sunday fairs. They 
make vows, and discharge the obligations thereby incurred ; 
they are anxious to have their children baptized; they sob 
and howl and sigh at church in a heartrending manner, and 
if they can steal a piece of the foostia, it will invariably be 
used for some medicinal, that is, witchcraft, purpose. At 
Tiahuanaco we were told that the Indians believe that 
when a child dies unbaptized it returns to the body of the 
mother, causing it to swell, a process which they call 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 93 

" limbo,' ' and to prevent this they use the hostia. They 
confess themselves regularly for some years, then again 
drop the ' ' habit. ' ' They regard God and the saints usually 
as beneficent or rather as useful. Certain diseases, how- 
ever, are attributed to an ill wind produced by God, and 
others to an ill wind due to some saint; hence the " pacha 
ayre" and the "santo ayre." 93 In some districts or vil- 
lages, no image of a saint is tolerated in their houses, out 
of dread of that "ill wind" of the saints. Of retribution 
after death they have, as far as we could ascertain, no idea. 
Of the existence of evil spirits they are firmly convinced. 
On the Island, it is "Supay" who sweeps over the land in 
the hail-storm, and when their crops are destroyed by hail 
they say that Supay has preyed on them with his hordes of 
other fiends. How often were we, at night, startled by the 
lugubrious sound of the "Pu-tu-tu," a cow-horn, which the 
Indians blew on the approach of clouds threatening hail, 
in order to oblige Supay and his associates to take another 
course in their devastating career. 94 At Tiahuanaco and 
vicinity it is l i Anchancho ' ' 95 who plays the part of the 
spirits of evil, and when they fear his approach in a threat- 
ening storm, they also blow their pu-tu-tus and shout at the 
top of their voices: "Pass on, pass on!" On the Island, 
there seems to be greater indifference than on the mainland 
toward some church practices, as, for instance, they care 
very little for an official blessing of the crops. Mass, how- 
ever, is exacted by them on the feast day of their pa- 
tron saint. "When the agents of the owners of Challa, 
through a very ill-timed measure, attempted to prevent the 
usual celebration on the twenty-fifth of July of 1895, 
our intervention alone prevented a serious outbreak. We 
noticed, however, that it was more the opportunity of cele- 
brating the day with dances of old and immoderate drink- 
ing that would have been missed than the religious cere- 
mony. 

We could not detect, in the midst of the host of witchcraft 



94 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

practices and reminiscences of ancient beliefs, any prefer- 
ence to a worship of either sun or moon. The definition of 
Indian fetishism given by Mr. Cushing applies also to the 
Aymara: "The A-shi-wi, or Zunis, suppose the sun, moon, 
and stars, the sky, earth, and sea, in all their phenomena 
and elements, and all inanimate objects, as well as plants, 
animals, and men, to belong to one great system of all- 
conscious and interrelated life." 96 One thing struck us, 
namely, the belief that both sun and moon were created 
beings, and this is primitive belief, anterior to influences 
of a Christian origin. 97 What, however, the Aymara of 
the Island pays particular attention to are the "Acha- 
chilas," literally "grandfathers," spirits, dwelling at all 
conspicuous places, in all striking objects, and who are 
supposed to exert a constant influence upon man. 98 This 
belief in the "Achachilas" is nothing else but the fetishism 
so well characterized by Mr. Cushing, and which I have 
traced among every Indian tribe with which I came in con- 
tact. 

Every conspicuous object in nature is believed, by the 
Aymara, to harbor its own spiritual nucleus or essence, 
that plays an active part in the life of its surroundings, man 
included. This Indian conception may be illustrated by ex- 
amples that came under our observation. While we were at 
Challa, the Indians received orders to tear down some walls 
forming the southern side of a court, and to erect on the 
site a store-house of adobe. The first part of this work was 
performed without any ceremony, and this greatly incensed 
the warden or "unya-siri" who happens to be one of the 
leading medicine-men on the Island. He chided the work- 
men and insisted that, in order to prevent disaster to the 
new edifice, they should, before proceeding to demolish the 
walls, have burnt incense in each of the four corners ; should 
have prayed (begging forgiveness) in each corner, and 
finally, in the centre, prostrating themselves, kissing the 
earth and looking up to the sky, with both hands raised in 




• ai m&zo {nqikidD 




Plate XXI 

Pottery from graves of Aymara (Chullpa) origin in various parts of the 

Island. The two vases at the bottom may have been brought 

from the mainland, possibly from Tiahuanaco 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 95 

prayer. On the following morning the foundations of the 
new structure were to be laid, and for that purpose they 
had, the night before, prepared as many tiny bundles as 
there were corners, and an extra one for the centre. Each 
bundle contained : The fetus of a llama," the fetus of a pig, 
a piece of llama-tallow, 100 leaves of a plant not found on the 
Island and called by them " uira-ko-ua, ' ' and coca leaves. 
These bundles are prepared by men only, and at night, and 
the parties are chosen the evening before by the ilacata, 
which shows that this officer has certain religious functions 
also. When all the workmen had gathered on the site, the 
one who directed the work, the maestro, or architect (a plas- 
terer from the Peninsula of Copacavana), spread before 
him a ' ' llik '11a, ' ' or square piece of embroidered cloth, made 
like a poncho, but smaller. Every Indian took three coca 
leaves, arranging them in the shape of a trefoil, and depos- 
ited them on the llik '11a, while the master of ceremonies was 
pronouncing the following prayer : ' ' Children, with all your 
heart, put coca into your mouths [each took a mouthful of 
coca-leaves] ; we must give to the virgin earth, but not with 
two hearts; with one heart alone." After this ceremony 
they set to work. In the afternoon when they had again 
gathered they all took off their hats, and the director said : 
"Children, we shall ask of God (Dius-at) and of the Acha- 
chila and the grandmother, 101 that no evil may befall us." 102 
Then they buried the bundles, in each of the four corners 
and in the centre, adding to them "a^i" (red pepper), 
sugar, and salt. After this the master again spoke as fol- 
lows : "Let all of you together take coca [they put coca into 
their mouths], throw coca on the ground [upon this they 
began to scatter coca into the trench made for the founda- 
tion], give them their dues!" The old men responding: 
"Dius pagarat-kat, uauanaka!"— May God reward you for 
it, children ! After this they threw earth on the bundles. In 
this ceremony the Christian God and the fetishes are both 
appealed to. The articles offered in sacrifice represent 



96 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

olden as well as modern times. Thus the llama-fetus and 
llama-tallow, the "uira-koua" and the eoca are ancient, the 
others are modern. 

The above ceremony of invocation and sacrifice is called 
"tincat" (giving the "tinea"), and it is practised on almost 
every similar occasion. While we were excavating at Kasa- 
pata, a new house was erected near this site, and we were 
told that the same sacrifice had been performed before work 
was begun. On the first day, all the men who took part in that 
"house-raising" wore wreaths of flowers around their hats 
and caps. At Tiahuanaco we were assured that house-building 
is a communal undertaking of the ayllu, or of those of its 
members that are related to the family for which the building 
is erected, and that the only compensation for such assistance 
is chicha and food. The custom is undoubtedly primitive. 103 

Another ceremony, which we only partly witnessed, how- 
ever, took place on the Island during the days of Carnival, 
February 24th, 25th, and 26th of 1895, and it is annually 
repeated. Already on the 24th preparations were going on in 
the practice of the drum here and there. On the following 
day, the Indians of Challa with the alcalde at their head 
brandishing a Peruvian flag, and with his hat, as well as 
those of most of the other participants, wreathed with flow- 
ers, went in procession, to the sound of drum and flute, to 
the fields at "Kea," there to exchange, for about half an 
hour, throws of peaches with the people of that settlement, 
and offer to the soil the tinea above mentioned. They 
burned this offering, burying the ashes in the fields with 
appropriate invocations, and sprinkling the ground with 
alcohol and red wine. Afterward they dug out small quan- 
tities of whatever fruit had been raised, which was taken 
home to be kept until the following season. The idea is, to 
give to the earth (which also is "Achachila") a remunera- 
tion or compensation for its favors. 104 The most instruc- 
tive examples of Achachila worship that we were allowed to 
witness were those performed previous to our excavations 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 97 

for antiquities, and without which no such work is expected 
to be successful. We had to go through this ordeal at three 
different places— on Titicaca, on Koati, and at Cachilaya, 
near Chililaya, on the mainland. I shall limit myself to a 
description of the performances on Titicaca, as the others 
showed but slight variations. 

At the laying of the corner-stone, the architect or superin- 
tendent officiated, but for the ceremony initiating excava- 
tions a medicine-man, or shaman, was required. At Challa 
we had the desired dignitary at the very house of the 
hacienda and in the person of its unya-siri, or warden, 
Manuel Mamani, whose portrait accompanies these pages. 
He informed me (my wife was at first excluded from the 
deliberations, though afterward she was permitted to see 
some of the preliminaries) that the articles needed for the 
conjuration were: Coca, uira-koa, llama-tallow, the two 
fetuses, a piece of the skin of the ' ' titi, ' ' or wild-cat, grape- 
brandy, wine, and especially "mullu." For this ceremony 
the latter is a fetish of white alabaster representing a bull 
or cow, and resembling, both in color and in shape, certain 
well-known fetishes of New Mexico. 105 The fetus could 
not be procured, but the other substances were ready on the 
day appointed, and in the afternoon a walk was taken with 
the conjurer to two of the places where we intended to begin, 
Kasa-pata, and the pasturages of Ciria-Pata (g). There, 
Manuel Mamani squatted on the ground, took off his hat, 
and greeted the "Achachilas" as follows: "Good after- 
noon, Achachilas: Kasapata Achachila, hlaWaylli AcJia- 
chila, Chincana Achachila, Calvario Achachila, Santa Maria 
Achachila, Ciriapata Achachila! "We have greeted all of 
you whom a viracocha [the common designation for a white 
stranger] has sent me to greet ; for him [on his account] I 
have come, as he cannot speak to thee. Forgive me for 
asking of thee a favor. ' ' Then he took coca, made two tre- 
foils of coca-leaves and placed them into as many balls made 
of llama-tallow (untu), wine, uira-koua, a piece of cat's fur, 



98 THE ISLANDS OF TITIGACA AND KOATI 

and mullu, rasping with his knife from the alabaster fetish. 
Then making two holes at some distance from each other, 
he placed one of the balls in each of them, covering the hole 
with a stone. This was an "official notice" to the Acha- 
chilas of the main ceremony that was to take place the night 
following. Ordinarily, this preliminary is performed the 
evening before, and the sorcerer then goes to dream about 
the most eligible spot. The Aymara believes in dreams as 
firmly as all other Indians; but in our case the dreaming 
part was deemed unnecessary, as we had already deter- 
mined upon the locality. After nightfall, Manuel stealthily 
crept into our rooms. Squatting 106 by the side of a candle 
he formed twenty balls like those he had made in the after- 
noon, with the addition, however, of brandy. He also made 
two larger ones, in the centre of which he placed, in lieu of 
the usual trefoil, a bunch of coca leaves. With these twenty- 
two pellets, the remainder of a bottle of brandy, and a bottle 
of red wine, our procession of conjurers crawled up to 
Kasa-pata in the darkness of the night, over cliffs and slip- 
pery rocks, and with more than one tumble. The greatest 
care was taken to avoid dwellings, and a secluded spot 
selected for the operation. The medicine-man repeated the 
formula of the afternoon and sprinkled wine and afterward 
brandy in the direction of each of the five Achachilas named, 
saying: "All thy presents I have now brought.' ' "With this, 
he counted out the twenty balls one by one, each being 
counted as a quintal, or hundredweight, 107 and adding: 
"Thou hast to give me with all thy heart.' ' Then a fire 
was built, and the twenty balls were placed on it. Manuel 
threw into the flames a substance which he refused to show 
us and which caused the fire to spit and to crackle. At this 
sound everybody had to run off a short distance while he 
exclaimed : ' ' The Achachilas are eating ! ' ' After the fire had 
gone out he returned to the place and covered it with stones. 
Then he went with the two larger balls to another spot and 
dug a hole, saying : ' ' The virgin earth is now invited, here is 



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THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 99 

thy burial of treasure," 108 and placed both balls into the 
hole. ' ' The very things of the Inca thou hast to bring forth. 
Now, with thy permission we will take leave. Forgive me. ' ' 
With this the performance was at an end and we groped our 
way back, over the steep and wet rocks, without a single star 
on the dark firmament. By midnight we were home again, 
bruised and tired, and the next morning, the Indians, satis- 
fied that we had the ' ' Achachilas ' ' in our favor, went to 
work, convinced that the yield would be abundant. Never- 
theless at noon on the following day, while our laborers took 
a recess for lunch, another medicine-man among them poured 
out wine and alcohol in the direction of the five Achachilas, 
after each one of the laborers had taken a pinch of coca, and 
said : " Achachila, do not make me suffer much work, we are 
those who work under pay; to this viracocha thou hast to 
return what he paid to us, for this thou art beckoned [in- 
vited] . ' } If an Indian is offered a glass of wine, or when- 
ever he partakes of their favorite beverage, alcohol diluted 
to about sixteen or seventeen degrees, he first pours out a 
little, as libation. The well-known offering by the Peruvian 
and Bolivian Indians, at the l ' apachitas, ' ' is also to the 
spirits. Every pass, and the mountain peaks around it, are 
"Achachilas," and every Indian places a stone and some 
coca leaves in a corner or spot along the trail in order to 
influence the spirits in his behalf. The next one adds his 
votive offering, and thus heaps of pebbles and leaves gradu- 
ally accumulate. 109 They have their counterparts in the 
"tapu" of the New Mexico Tehuas, the little stone heaps 
around many of the pueblos in general, and in the Apache 
reservation of Arizona. According to pueblo interpreta- 
tion, each stone lying on twigs in one of these heaps signifies 
a prayer. The Quichuas and Aymaras claim it to be a sacri- 
fice. A sacrifice is always accompanied by a wish, whether 
expressed in a formal prayer or not, hence the fundamental 
idea is the same in South America as in the southwest of 
North America. 110 



100 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

From what precedes it is clear that the number of Acha- 
chilas is immense. Every summit, every gorge, every spring, 
in short, every site more or less prominent is thought to be 
inhabited by such a spirit. Meteorological phenomena also 
are included, such as lightning, the rainbow and the clouds. 
One of their devices for rain-making consists in ' l calling the 
rain-clouds. ' ' It resembles the pueblo practice of invoking 
the "Shiuana" and beckoning to them to come. Near 
Tiahuanaco, there is a height whither the Indians repair 
whenever they need rain, to sacrifice coca and to call the 
clouds. The rainbow ("kurmi" ) is Achachila, and at 
Tiahuanaco they forbid children to gaze at it lest it 
might kill them. 111 In short, the Achachilas are the "Gua- 
cas" or "Huacas" of Peru; they are analogous to the 
"Shiuana," and "Kopish-tai" of the Queres, and to the 
"Ojua" of the Tehuas, in New Mexico. 112 

Whether the Indians have other fetishes besides the 
"MuHu" above referred to, I am unable to tell. All our en- 
deavors to elicit information on that score were in vain. 
The queries were eluded, not answered. 

Where the idea prevails that nature is occupied by a mul- 
titude of spiritual individualities more or less potent, it re- 
sults that whatever man suffers, be it from disease or 
through accident, is attributed to evil spiritual agencies. In 
many instances there is a singular blending of ancient with 
Christian notions. Thus, at Tiahuanaco, we were informed 
that, when lightning strikes a house, it is abandoned for the 
day and night following, for they believe that ' ' Santiago ' 9 
(Saint James) has stumbled or made a mistake. 113 The 
doors are draped in black. The next day twelve boys, per- 
sonifying the twelve apostles, are fed in the building. Once 
the meal over, these boys go home without looking back; if 
they turn around to look, lightning will strike one of them 
soon after. After their departure, the owner of the house 
and his wife return accompanied by a shaman, or medi- 
cine-man, who, after joining their hands, covers their heads 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 101 

with a black poncho and utters a prayer to "Pachacamac" 
(I have my doubts about this word) in behalf of the future 
safety of the house. To this prayer the sorcerer replies in 
a changed tone of voice explaining the lightning- stroke as a 
mistake that shall never occur again. Huge stones are 
dreaded as swallowing people occasionally. 114 When the 
priest of Tiahuanaco once found it advisable to have such 
a stone removed, he obtained assistance only with the great- 
est difficulty, and after its removal the Indians sacrificed 
coca and alcohol to appease "Anchancho" and induce him 
not to take revenge upon them for the removal. 

In the valuable essay on Zuni fetishes already quoted, Mr. 
Cushing says : " In this system of life the starting point is 
man, the most finished yet the lowest organism, actually the 
lowest, because the most dependent and least mysterious. 
In just as far as an organism, actual or imaginary, resem- 
bles his, it is believed to be related to him, and correspond- 
ingly mortal. In just as far as it is mysterious is it consid- 
ered removed from him, further advanced, powerful and 
immortal. It thus happens that the animals, because alike 
mortal and endowed with similar physical functions and 
organs, are considered more nearly related to man than are 
the gods ; more nearly related to the gods than is man, be- 
cause more mysterious, and characterized by specific 
instincts and powers which man does not of himself 
possess." 115 

The truth of this is also exemplified among the Aymara. 
They attribute to animals not only the gift of presage, but 
also the faculty of intercession. Innumerable are the beliefs 
in manifestations of evil omens. The owl, that unlucky bird, 
one of the most slandered in this world, must, of course, 
head the list, especially the large species or "urcu" (Bubo 
magellanicus). But the smaller lechuza 116 are also noted 
for the ominous significance of their cry. When Indians 
see an owl flying in the night they throw salt at it with the 
left hand. Domestic fowl also play a conspicuous part. 



102 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Whenever a hen crows like a rooster, or a rooster cackles 
like a hen, or when a rooster crows at the hour of evening 
prayers, it is a bad omen and the bird is forthwith killed. 
On the mainland, a little bird which they call "tiolas" is 
much dreaded, being charged with the disagreeable habit of 
taking away the "fat of the heart" while flying past a per- 
son, and thus causing his or her death. Another very un- 
popular bird is called ' ' cochi-pachi, ' ' and its voice bodes no 
good. 117 Among quadrupeds, the skunk and the fox are, on 
the mainland, suspiciously watched, and if a fox crosses our 
path accidentally, we had better prepare for ill luck. Among 
domestic quadrupeds it is the guinea-pig or cuy, formerly, 
at least, much used in sacrifice and divining. 118 In case one 
of these lively creatures whines at night or chuckles, it is 
killed at once and its body thrown away, as it is a conejo- 
brujo (rabbit- witch) and will carry sickness into the 
family. The barking of dogs in a dark night is also an evil 
omen. The alcalde of Challa, a man not by any means 
gifted with an exalted imagination, and still less a coward, 
when returning from our room to his home one dark night, 
was terribly frightened by the sudden barking of the dog 
of the hacienda. He swore he would never visit us any 
more after sunset, as the dog had seen a ghost, and he 
thought to have noticed a dark figure near our door. 

Belief in fabulous animals is also current. If the ' ' marine 
monster" previously mentioned should not, in course of 
time, prove to be some large aquatic animal, we may classify 
it among the mythical beasts, although the belief in its ex- 
istence is of rather recent origin. The fabulous animal 
most generally believed in, however, is the carbuncle. As 
everywhere else, the "carbuncle" is described as a cat, hav- 
ing on its forehead a blood-red stone which shines at night. 
On the Island it is confounded with the titi, and that name 
is also given to it. 119 We were told that the carbuncle 
dwelt in the snows of the high peak of Sajama, near Oruro, 
and impeded approach to the summit of that mountain. 





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THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 103 

Spiders are used, by some sorcerers, for prognostics. 
From the movements of the legs of the insect, the diviner 
draws his inferences, in a similar manner as the Opata 
Indians of Sonora prognosticated from the motions of the 
cricket. 120 

We lack yet most of the information desirable in regard 
to the role of animals as intercessors. But we were posi- 
tively informed that the group of dancers called "ChaylP- 
pa," and of which I shall hereafter speak, have among 
other duties that of conjuring drouth. They go to the sum- 
mit of the height called Calvario (4), which is denuded of 
all vegetation, gather small stones and throw them into the 
Lake. But they also catch toads and throw them into the 
water, there to intercede for rain. 121 Among the objects of 
stone found on the Island, on the Peninsula of Copacavana, 
and chiefly on Koati, are frogs of stone, and we diligently 
inquired of the Indians whether these had been perhaps 
rain-intercessors after the manner of those used by the 
pueblos to-day. We never received any other but an eva- 
sive reply. 

Another indication of intercession by animals is found in 
the dance called chacu-ayllu, or chokela, danced by the 
ChaylPpa. In this dance the vicuna plays the same part as, 
in symbolic dances of the pueblo Indians, the eagle, the deer, 
and the mountain-sheep. The chacu-ayllu is an ancient 
ceremonial, the signification of which as a ' i hunter 's-dance ' y 
is no longer understood. 

The ChaylPpa, whenever they appear in full costume, 
wear the skin of a young vicuna, head included, hanging 
down their backs. The ' ' Kena-Kena, ' ' another group of 
dancers, wear a sleeveless jacket made of the skin of a 
jaguar. Animal forms are also represented in the fetishes 
called "Mullu," so extensively peddled about the country 
by the curious guild of Indian medicine-men and shamans 
known as ' i Callahuaya. ' ' 

The Callahuaya speak the Quichua language. 122 Their 



104 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

home is the province of Munecas, east of the Lake, which 
province is partly inhabited by Quichua- speaking aborig- 
ines. 123 On the Island they are sometimes called Chnnchos, 
but they have nothing in common with these forest Indians 
except inasmuch as they pretend (and it is probably true) 
that some of their medicinal herbs are gathered in the 
montafia, or forests, where the wild tribes (often called 
Chunchos collectively) dwell and roam. The Callahuayas 
are great and intrepid traveling peddlers ; they extend their 
journeyings to the eastern as well as to the western sea- 
coast, and one is as likely to meet a Callahuaya in Buenos 
Ayres as to find him offering his wares at La Paz, Copaca • 
vana or on Titicaca Island. Their costume differs from 
that of the Aymara, in that they wear pantaloons and 
broad-brimmed hats. A poncho with more or less intricate 
patterns, and always dirty, falls down from the neck as far 
as the knee, over the usually dilapidated breeches. Two 
big bags, like saddle bags, and a wallet with coca and other 
ingredients, handsomely woven, but stiff with grease, com- 
plete the official costume of the wandering Callahuaya. We 
met them everywhere. Between Puno and Sillustani we saw 
these quaint figures walking single file, wending their way 
in silence from Indian village to Indian village, from iso- 
lated dwelling to isolated dwelling, everywhere tolerated 
and everywhere received with undemonstrative hospitality. 
A close study of the Callahuayas at their home is much 
needed, and would reveal a host of interesting details on 
aboriginal medicine and witchcraft. As yet we can only 
speak of these singular and enterprising peddlers from 
what we saw of them far from the district which they in- 
habit. 124 

Objects peddled by the Callahuayas are mostly herbs, but 
these are not all indigenous. We bought, from a Callahuaya 
who came to the Island and offered his waf es at Challa, the 
following remedies: (1) Against melancholy: "yerba de 
amante"; (2) against rheumatic cold: "uturuncu," 125 to 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 105 

be rubbed in; (3) against headache: "yerba de Castilla" 
and sternutative powder of hellebore. Hence, of these four 
substances, at least one came from some druggist. That 
such was the case was further proven by the fact that the 
Indian wizard himself called the powder rape. 

There is no doubt that the Callahuaya had other medi- 
cines, more efficient and certainly indigenous, but these he 
was careful not to show us. He was very soon taken in 
charge by some of the- Indians of Challa and remained 
several days on the Island, without showing himself any 
more about the hacienda buildings. But— and this seems to 
be the principal treasure in which the Callahuayas deal— he 
had for sale a number of fetishes made of white alabaster. 
This mineral is said to be abundant in the region of Charas- 
sani, where the Callahuayas are at home. We purchased 
such of them as he showed us, and they were all sent to the 
Museum. One represents a snail, others clenched fists, and 
these are said to create contentment and give wealth. They 
were all besmeared with llama-tallow, "until," the same 
substance that is indispensable for incantations. Other ac- 
cessories were gold and silver tinsel, and red and black 
beans. These fetishes are sold not only to the Indians (and 
perhaps less to these), but to mestizos, and even to whites 
occasionally, as faith in the cures and supernatural gifts of 
the Callahuayas is very common and deeply rooted in all 
classes of society, though seldom confessed. 

We certainly saw only such fetishes as the Callahuaya 
deemed safe to exhibit, and not the most interesting ones. 
The latter are more particularly called Mullu, and are of 
ancient origin and use. The word is Quichua, but has been 
adopted into the Aymara language. A Mullu is usually an 
animal figure, like the one used by Manuel Mamani in the 
ceremonies preceding our excavations. It is "good" for a 
great many things, and the Callahuayas also sell, secretly, 
human figures. We sent to the Museum a small one, found 
on the surface of the slopes of Ticani (2), and of a whitish 



106 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

stone apparently arenaceous. When I showed this figure to 
one of the wizards on the Island, his eyes sparkled, and he 
displayed intense desire to obtain it, saying: "If it were 
Callahuaya, then it would be worth a great deal!" This 
significant remark caused us to interrogate him cautiously, 
and thus we ascertained that fetishes in the form of men 
and of women are still in use. We further found out that, 
while the white fetishes served for good purposes, the Ca- 
llahuayas had fetishes of black or at least dark-colored 
stone, which were used for evil sorcery. Here our inquiries 
came to an end, as Mamani denied any knowledge of "black 
art." 

Accessory information, however, was obtained in another 
way. A friend of ours, the Franciscan Father Juan Maris- 
cal, on one of his intrepid tours among the then rebellious 
Indians of the Peruvian boundary, saw a whole arsenal of 
implements for witchcraft, which he tried to secure for us, 
but the owner refused to give them up. Our friend could 
barely more than glance at them. He noticed, however, 
human figures and other strange objects of wood and stone, 
and also of rags, but was not permitted to examine them 
closely as soon as the party having them in charge under- 
stood the priest's intention. On the hacienda of Cusijata, a 
short distance from Copacavana, a number of objects for 
evil sorcery were found, previous to our coming to Bolivia. 
One of the chief means for mortally hurting anybody 
through witchcraft is, to make a human figure out of grains 
of Indian corn, and pierce it with thorns. In order to sepa- 
rate a loving couple, two such figures are tied together with 
hairs (not fur) of a cat, and buried, with a live toad along- 
side of them. 126 

It will be noticed, that not only is witchcraft (good and 
evil) extensively practised among the Indians of Aymara 
stock, hence on the Island also, but that they have symbolic 
figures, of which, however, we saw very few. But any one 
visiting Bolivia can, if he looks at the roofs of Indian 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 107 

houses, at once descry a primitive symbol placed there 
alongside of the crosses with which nearly every gable of 
an Indian home is decorated. This symbol is a snake, and 
represents lightning. We had noticed this figure without 
seeing in it more than an accidental ornament until at 
Challa the chapel of the hacienda was being repaired. Its 
low tower had been finished; the cross alone was lacking. 
To humor the Indians, we promised to obtain a cross at 
Copacavana, of iron or brass, and donate it to them. As 
our trip to Copacavana became delayed, our servant (a 
Bolivian mestizo, who afterward gave us untold trouble 
through his intemperance and dishonesty) volunteered to 
make such a cross, with the aid of our carpenter's tools, 
out of an old box unserviceable for packing, and an aged 
tin can. He kept his promise and, on completing the orna- 
ment, stated that he would have to add two figures of 
snakes, to be fastened diagonally over the cross. Upon ask- 
ing the wherefore of this, we were told, by him as well as 
by the Indians, that the snake was a protection against 
lightning, and its symbolic picture. Figure (p. 108) shows 
the symbol in the text. 

a and a is the symbol for lightning, and intended to repre- 
sent a snake. 

b, b, b, are called hands (manos) and also stand for light- 
ning. As far as I could understand, the snake rather repre- 
sents the downward ray, or thunderbolt. 

The snake symbol is the more singular since that reptile 
is rarely met with on the high and cold table-lands, the only 
striking species being the aquatic << yaurinca, ,> already 
mentioned. 127 

There can be no doubt that the dances of the Aymara are 
symbolic, although in many cases their true significance is 
now only known to a few Indians. Their dancing is clearly 
a religious act, and if the performances are accompanied by 
demonstrations of boisterous delight and by excessive im- 
bibing, this does not militate against their intrinsically 



108 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



serious character. The orgies into which nearly all, if not 
all, the Indian dances degenerate are not the result of deg- 
radation and growing viciousness since the advent of the 
Spaniards, as is often pretended ; they are ancient customs, 
in which the intemperance displayed takes the character of 
libations. 128 It may be that the Indian of the Puna dances 
for mere enjoyment also, 129 but we know that every religious 
festival, and every public celebration in general, is accom- 




Cross and Snake, the latter symbol for lightning, common on the 
of Indian houses on the Bolivian Puna. 

panied by Indian dancing. The variety of dances is great, 
among the Aymara as well as among the Quichua. Some of 
these are common to all districts ; many are danced only in 
certain localities. Some are performed at long intervals of 
time, others on every occasion, for reasons which only a 
protracted study of the Aymara will reveal, a study that, 
like the work of Mr. Frank H. Cushing among the Zunis, of 
Dr. Washington Matthews among the Navajos, and of Miss 
Alice Fletcher among tribes of the central plains, must be 
carried on with much tact and patience. 

It was not possible during our stay in the Lake basin and 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 109 

on certain islands to penetrate deeply into the nature of 
ceremonies identified with the innermost nature of the In- 
dian and his most hallowed reminiscences. I can present, 
therefore, but an incomplete introduction to the subject. 
The Aymara are much more reticent on these points than 
northern tribes. Besides, the true meaning of many dances 
is either lost or known only to few, and these few are just 
those whose confidence it is most difficult to gain. 

Comparatively few dances are performed on the Island, 
and these are also danced at Copacavana. Hence what I 
shall say in regard to the Island will apply to the Peninsula, 
so far as ascertained. We heard that others are performed 
at Copacavana besides, and have no reason to doubt it. 
They differ from those of the pueblo Indians. The proces- 
sion, sometimes men alone, sometimes men and women, files 
in with less regularity, and with a step that is rather a 
clumsy trotting. As there were always several groups danc- 
ing at the same time and changing places with each other, 
it was very difficult to watch the figures. Each group of 
dancers has a number of musicians, who do not, as in New 
Mexico, stand still and play their discordant and noisy in- 
struments, but join the others in the dance. = : fle figure is, 
sometimes, a meandering back and forth in single file ; gen- 
erally, however, and when there are women in the group, 
they describe a circle, with one man or a pair in the center 
whirling about like tops, the women especially. We have 
often wondered at the length of time a woman, encumbered 
with her many skirts and the bundle of blankets on her back, 
can endure that vertiginous gyration. The dancer often 
falls to the ground, and while it is sometimes from intoxica- 
tion, it is also from sheer dizziness. No better idea can be 
gathered of the general character of these performances 
than at one of the great festivals at the sanctuary of Copa- 
cavana, for instance on the first and second of February. 
We went to Copacavana on the day previous and when, on 
the picturesque trail from Yampupata to the village, we de- 



110 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

scended into the bottom by the Lake-side, loud shouting, sing- 
ing, the rumbling of big drums, and firing of muskets was 
heard. Ahead of us on the road, a procession of white figures 
with gaudy head-dresses was moving toward the village. 
They were dancers going to the festival. In front walked 
the " Chunchu-Sicuri, ' ' their heads adorned with tall um- 
brella-like contrivances, each of the canes composing the 
frame carrying a tuft of red, yellow and green plumes. This 
head-dress is light, but at least three feet high. All these 
dancers were men. They wore the gray and laced jackets 
so common on the markets of La Paz, and over them a 
sleeveless bodice of jaguar-skin similar to a cuirass. A 
skirt, made of white cotton and nicely plaited, sometimes 
stitched handsomely, floundered about their limbs. The 
leaders carried the Bolivian tricolors and lances, and their 
head-dress consisted of a stiff hat, with three tiers of parrot 
plumes, in the national colors: red, yellow and green. 130 
The noise made by this group, with flutes and drums of all 
sizes and descriptions, frightened our animals, although 
they were old and decrepit. Following the Chunchu-sicuri, 
a second procession wended its way to the village. This 
was the ancient and honorable cluster of " Chirihuanos. ' ' 
Their dress consisted of the usual festive garb of the 
Aymara: jacket, trousers, white shirt, and an occasional 
vest. Over these was draped a white mantle, graceful when 
new, but already much worn. Over this mantle a broad 
band of parrot feathers, beautifully worked, was fastened 
a drum. On the head they wore a black hat, but this post- 
Columbian head-gear was disguised by a profusion of 
mostly drooping plumes, white and red. With the first of 
these two groups a few women jogged along, joining in the 
discordant shouts and arrayed in their most select accoutre- 
ments: a number of gaudy skirts and the little bundle of 
blankets on the back. These women accompanied the 
Chunchu-sicuri, the Chirihuanos not allowing women to 
dance with them. Forcing our animals past this noisy pro- 






O 

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o 

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CD 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 111 

cession, we reached Copacavana and saw the devotion with 
which each cluster approached the sanctuary. They were 
admitted to church to offer their respects, and, upon sally- 
ing from it, began to dance, pound their drums, and blow 
their flutes in each of the four corners of the square or 
plaza successively. It may not be out of place here to give 
an idea of the appearance of this square on the evening be- 
fore the festival. 

At each of the four corners, which are also the four en- 
trances, an altar had been erected. Two poles, about twenty 
feet in height, were set into the ground and decorated with 
colored cloth and ribbons, and connected, on the side to- 
wards the street, by blankets and ponchos stretching from 
one pole to the other so as to form a background. This 
background was further supported by two intermediate 
poles. At right angles to the former were set on each side 
two other masts of equal height, and these sides were also 
closed, leaving open only the front. In the quadrangular 
recess thus formed stood the altar, simply a table covered 
with cloth, blankets, or ponchos, on which the image is 
placed, and loaded with offerings and ornaments, some- 
times of the crudest kind. Across the opening, from pole 
to pole, ropes are stretched at a considerable height above 
the ground, and from these ropes dangled silverware, some- 
times of great value ; plates, trays, cups, all from the early 
times of Spanish colonization, massive, and of quaint work- 
manship. Between them hung purses filled with money, 
ancient coins, spoons, in short, all that could be used for 
representing metallic wealth. We have seen some very re- 
markable pieces, that would be worthy of any museum of 
colonial antiquities. These treasures are the property of 
private individuals, sometimes of Indians, who keep them 
carefully concealed between festival and festival. There are 
also parties who loan or rent their plate for such occasions. 

The four altars, although alike in the main, vary in de- 
tails. In front of them gather the Indian dancers, one group 



112 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

after another, they bow to the image, and then dance to the 
sound of their wretched instruments, finally in the center of 
the square also. None of these dances can compare with 
those of the New Mexico pueblos for symmetry. Every- 
thing seems to be carried on in a much looser way. Already 
on the evening before the festival the Indians begin to drink, 
and only the nature of the beverage has changed since an- 
cient times; alcohol, diluted from forty degrees to sixteen 
or seventeen, taking the place of the primitive chicha. Dur- 
ing the night, one or several trusty Indians keep watch at 
each of the altars. To keep awake, they drink, play the 
flute, and the dancers return to the plaza from time to time 
to repeat their performances and to disturb the slumbers 
of the inhabitants with their horrid noise. As, late in the 
evening, new groups come in, they add their din to that of 
their predecessors, so that the first night, or rather the night 
before the feast, is already a torture on account of the truly 
infernal uproar. The musical instruments of the Aymara 
are more varied than those of the pueblos. They have a 
great variety of drums, from the smallest to the largest, 
and from the most ancient type, similar to the tambourine, 
to the military drum, big and small. The Pan-flute, called 
in its tiniest form "kena-kena," and in its tallest (nearly 
of the size of a full grown man) "zampona," is most 
numerously represented. Nearly every Indian carries a 
clarinet-like instrument or a fife as his constant companion 
when traveling. 131 These instruments, on a great feast- 
day, are represented by hundreds, and each group of play- 
ers blows and beats as hard as possible, regardless of 
harmony with the tune executed by their next neighbors. 

The second day of February was the great day of the 
festival. At daybreak hosts of dancers poured into the 
square, and the fifes, kenas, zamponas, and drums made a 
deafening noise. The members of each group first knelt on 
the steps at the entrance of the churchyard and then filed 
into church, taking off their head-gears. Upon returning to 



Plate XXV 
1. Ground-plan of Ciriapata. 2. Small houses (probably Inca) at Ciriapata 






**-..,.. ^r 





THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 113 

the square, they began their noisy performances at the cor- 
ners and in the center. The following groups of costumed 
dancers made their appearance: (1) The Kena-kena, or 
Kenaicho. These were the most numerous, and all able- 
bodied young men. With them came a number of women 
and girls. The costume of the men is striking: A short 
jacket of cloth, black or brown or gray (the latter hue pre- 
dominating), cut square above the waist and mostly with 
braids across the breast; the usual breeches, and beneath 
them often drawers with common white lace. All wear over 
the jacket a tiger- (jaguar-) skin in the form of a cuirass. 
Many of them also carry a broad band like a talbart of red, 
green and yellow parrot-plumes, and on the head a narrow- 
brimmed black hat of felt or plush, surmounted by an arch 
of plumes. From the band of this hat dangles, down the 
back, a train of tinsel, ribbons, and small mirrors. Nearly 
every Kena plays his fife, never the Pan-flute, and many 
have drums. (2) The Chayllpa. Their distinctive dress 
consists in a white cotton mantle hung edgewise across the 
shoulders, one of the ends reaching nearly to the knee, and 
over this mantle, the skin of a young vicuna, its head pro- 
vided with eyes of glass, and profusely decorated with tin- 
sel, ribbons, and tiny mirrors. A black felt hat with a load 
of drooping plumes, red and white, and a crown of similar 
plumage completes the costume. (3) The Chirihuanos (al- 
ready described). Each is provided with a big drum. (4) 
The Inca-sicuri. Costume: velvet, cloth and silk, gold and 
silver embroidery, imitating the supposed dress of thelncas, 
and clearly of colonial origin. 132 (5) The Chunchu-sicuri 
(already described). They all beat small drums and play 
flutes or fifes. There are two bands of these each with a 
leader, whose distinctive mark is, a hat with a triple row of 
bright plumes, and a long spear or lance which he brand- 
ishes sometimes quite offensively. (6) The Chaca-na-ni. 
They dance along with the Kenacho, and wear the same 
costume, without tiger-skins. 



114 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Add to these groups a great number of independent per- 
formers, male and female, in festive Indian dress, and hosts 
of spectators, hundreds of big and little drums, hundreds of 
flutes, from the tiniest to the biggest, and perhaps more 
fifes yet, the instruments rumbling, thundering, rattling, 
screeching, howling and screaming, without any regard to 
rhythm or harmony; hundreds of ugly voices singing 
monotonous melodies ; now and then, here and there, a yell 
or a whoop ; all the performers more or less intoxicated and 
drinking harder and harder towards nightfall— the scene is 
indeed very picturesque, very strange and brilliant in hues ; 
but at the same time the din and uproar is so deafening, so 
utterly devoid of the slightest redeeming feature, that it 
forms one of the weirdest and, at the same time, most sick- 
ening displays imaginable. 133 Once started, this moving 
crowd, ever changing like a kaleidoscope, keeps on the dis- 
tressing roar, night and day without intermission, for never 
less than two days and two nights, sometimes as long as a 
whole week! We had the excruciating " pleasure* ' of en- 
during three of these festivals at Copacavana, the first of 
which lasted three days and as many nights, only inter- 
rupted by hard showers. The second and third were con- 
tinued for three days, but the nights were less noisy. At 
Tiahuanaco, however, the festival lasted five days and four 
nights, the din never ceasing during that time. 

The Aymara dances which we have seen lack, as stated, 
the decorum of pueblo dances. Hence, much of their origi- 
nal symbolic character appears to be lost. 134 They all 
degenerate into an orgy, drunkenness prevailing among 
both sexes after the first afternoon. Once at this stage, the 
naturally quarrelsome character of the Aymara crops out 
and most Indian festivals in Bolivia end in bloodshed. It 
may even be said, that no Indian festivity is satisfactory 
without one or more homicides. Feuds between neighbor- 
ing haciendas are often fought out on such occasions, for 
the Indian often carries, besides his sling (for which the 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 115 

women provide round pebbles in their skirts) a dangerous 
weapon in the shape of a whip terminating at the upper end 
of the handle in a small tomahawk of steel. Whenever 
such fights take place it is not rare to see men swallowing 
the brains oozing out of the fractured skulls of the wounded, 
and women dipping chunu in the pools of blood, and eating 
it, when well soaked, with loathsome ferocity. 

Two peculiar performances took place on the second of 
February at Copacavana. One began before sundown, 
causing the uproar to subside somewhat for about an hour. 
Two processions marched into the square from opposite 
sides. Each was headed by a litter of wood borne on the 
shoulders of four or six Indians. 

On each litter, and on an old carved chair decorated with 
boughs and other cheap ornaments, sat an "Inca," that is, 
a young Indian in the toggery of the "Inca-sicuri," and 
armed with a sling. When the two files met, both "Incas" 
rose in their litters and a dialogue began, treating of the 
historic strife between Huascar and Atahuallpa and 
abounding in challenges and insults; one of the " Incas' ' 
personifying Huascar, the other Atahuallpa. From words 
they came to throws with slings, pelting each other with 
roots instead of stones. The action was quite lively and 
lasted until one of the " Incas' ' gave up, considerably 
bruised and bleeding. After the combat, both stepped down 
from their litters and mingled with the crowd, dancing side 
by side. This performance is, of course, post-Columbian. 
It is one of the many semi-theatrical performances invented 
as a substitute for the idolatrous and often obscene primi- 
tive ceremonials. 

The other took place after nightfall and in the darkest 
corner of the square, where not even the numberless fire- 
crackers, rockets, and other luminous displays shed a spark 
of light. It was the ' ' Mimula, ' ' an ancient round dance in 
which both sexes take part, and which is now only per- 
formed at night. Hence we could not discern any partic- 



116 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

ulars, beyond a number of figures moving about on a small 
space and to some indifferent tune that did not even seem 
to be primitive. 135 

None of the groups of dancers heretofore enumerated have, 
like the New-Mexican pueblos and the Yaquis of Sonora, 
their particular jesters or clowns. But clumsy mimicries 
were executed, during the day, by mestizos wearing masks. 
There is a special group of clowns that appears on the scene 
everywhere and at every festival, even in public processions 
at La Paz. These are the "morenos"; not Indians, but 
mestizos, "cholos," young men who are not unfrequently 
paid for their performances. We saw them first at La Paz, 
afterwards at Tiahuanaco, and lastly at Copacavana. The 
dress of the morenos is usually very costly, being the cos- 
tume of the eighteenth century, bright-colored frocks of 
velvet or silk, richly embroidered with gold and silver, vests 
to fit, knee-breeches, hats, and low shoes and masks, hideous 
rather than comical. With them go small boys wearing 
ugly masks of devils, and frequently a condor, that is, a 
performer arrayed in the plumage of that bird and with 
a mask imitating its head. If the morenos were less ad- 
dicted to hard drinking, their pranks and jests might be 
more palatable. At Copacavana, however, they performed 
in a rather dignified way. Their costumes were plainer, and 
each played a small flute or fife. They evidently have noth- 
ing in common with the primitive dances of the Indians. 136 

At Tiahuanaco, the Indian dancers belonged to the plain 
"Sicuri," distinguished from the others by a towering 
head-dress of gray plumes of the American ostrich, 137 and 
to the Kenacho, with some Chacanani. The Kenacho had in 
their company women who wore the peculiar hats repre- 
sented by Mr. Squier. 138 At Copacavana female perform- 
ers wore simply their "nice" clothes, and each had the 
characteristic bundle slung around the neck. We have not, 
as yet, been able to obtain a satisfactory explanation of this 
custom, which seems to be ancient. 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 117 

On the Island of Titacaca, the 25th of July, feast of the 
patron saint of Challa, conld be only partially celebrated. 
But we coaxed the Indians into dancing during the after- 
noon. Before noon a group resembling the Chirihuanos in 
costume, but called " Pusipiani, ' ' 139 came to the chapel to 
dance and play their fifes and drums before the building. 
The Chayllpa followed, and later on, besides these two 
clusters, the Kenacho and the Chacanani presented them- 
selves. Within a very short time the courtyard of the 
hacienda was filled with dancers, with or without official 
costume, and with the same din and uproar, though propor- 
tionately less, than at other places and larger gatherings. 
The wonted disregard for symmetry and harmony prevailed, 
showing that discordant noise and irregular motions are 
inherent to most aboriginal dances of Bolivia ; those of Peru 
we have not yet witnessed. 

The existence of numerous groups of dancers, groups that 
are permanent associations and represented over a wide 
range of territory in villages, communities, and on estates, 
leads to the inference that there might exist, among these 
Indians, a special organization controlling these associations 
and upholding them in the midst of slowly encroaching 
civilization. But to obtain an insight into this organization 
is as difficult as it was among the Indians of New Mexico, 
until the classical researches of Mr. Cushing removed the 
veil with which the aborigine shrouded his primitive re- 
ligious customs. The study of these features is an enormous 
virgin field, that claims the attention of students. We found 
the Aymara as reticent on such topics as any other Indian 
tribes and even more difficult of approach. Proficiency in 
their language is, of course, the first condition, and this we 
had not yet been able to acquire. Besides, with the excep- 
tion of a few communities, who still live according to ancient 
customs, long residence and familiarization with the Indians 
in Bolivia may not be even as profitable as in the North. 
Adoption in an Aymara tribe is out of the question for 



118 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

several reasons: First, there is among the Indians, bitter 
hatred against all that are not of their stock. An ethno- 
logical observer would be at once liable to suspicion as a 
spy; for the Aymara has many things to conceal from the 
white man. The local authorities and the landowners them- 
selves are likely to take umbrage at investigations, the pur- 
pose of which many would fail to understand, and hence 
misconstrue. Furthermore the Indian himself has changed 
many of his customs, and it is a question how far a life of 
sacrifice and privations could be rewarded, except in places 
where the Aymara preserved most of his primitive habits 
through rigid seclusion. There are a few communities 
where a discreet and practical student might do important 
ethnologic work. 

Beside the dances mentioned, we have heard of a number 
of others which it did not fall to our lot to witness. At 
Llujo on Hallow-eve, the Indians, unbeknown to us, danced 
the "Auqui-auqui" at their chapel. It was accompanied by 
prayers and offerings to the deceased. The people were 
pining for rain, and they believe that, when the bones of the 
ancient inhabitants are disturbed, drouth follows. 140 We 
had begun our excavations, and the Indians were mortally 
afraid of the consequences. On the night, however, of the 
day mentioned it began to rain and thereafter rained abun- 
dantly. The Indians thus became reconciled to our doings, 
and we never had better laborers and more willing ones 
than at Llujo. 141 Whether the auqui-auqui had anything to 
do with their intercessions we could not ascertain. That the 
chacu-ayllu is a rain-dance was at least not denied by our 
old wizard on Titicaca Island. 

The first indication of an organization, are the officers 
called "Irpa," in Spanish maestros de bayles (literally, 
teachers of the dances). These officers, according to what 
was stated to us at Tiahuanaco, are appointed for life, but 
on Titicaca we were assured, by the Indians themselves, that 
the irpas are selected for each dance (by whom they did not 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 119 

say), and that every band of dancers is divided into two 
groups, each with its director; 142 one group representing 
Aran-saya and the other Ma-saya. At Tiahuanaco it was 
asserted that each of these clusters danced on its own side 
of the square, the Aran-sayas on the north, the Ma-sayas 
on the south, and that if one section trespassed upon the 
ground of the other, bloody conflicts would ensue. We 
noticed such a division in church, but at the dances the con- 
fusion became so great, at Tiahuanaco as well as at Copa- 
cavana, that it was impossible to ascertain anything. The 
Indians of Titicaca belonging to the cluster of Aran-saya 
of the Peninsula of Copacavana, there could be no division 
on the Island. The irpas are not remunerated for their 
work. It is an honorary office, as well as that of ' ' alf erez [ [ 
banner-bearer, or godfather to the festival, an introduction 
from colonial times. 

The dances of the Aymara being a part of their primitive 
religious ceremonies, and but superficially connected with 
the church, 143 any association directing and conducting 
them must be a part of their primitive religious organiza- 
tion. I need not allude here to church-officials among the 
Indians, like the fiscales, but there is one office, at least, con- 
nected with the church, and little noticed, that possibly 
recalls certain functionaries among northern Indians who 
are more particularly keepers of ancient beliefs and rituals. 
We first heard of this office on Titicaca. It is called 
Preste, 144 and its incumbent was an old man, acknowledged 
to be a potent wizard. It was whispered that he was a 
lineal descendant of the ancient " gen tiles,' ' or ' [ Chullpas. ' 9 
This preste is appointed, by the Ilacata and the old men, or 
may ores, for five years. His duties consist ostensibly in 
caring for the church, and overseeing preparations for 
feasts and the like ; hence our aged friend Mariano Muchu, 
the preste of Challa, wandered to Copacavana as frequently 
as it was indispensable on account of these duties, but not 
oftener, and not out of devotion. We were assured by one 



120 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

of the other shamans that this preste had also the 
obligation of doing penance for his people! I give these 
statements as we received them, and do not guarantee their 
veracity, although the same office was mentioned to us at 
other places. 

The existence of wizards, sorcerers, and medicine-men 
among the Aymara Indians, has been frequently mentioned 
in the preceding pages. It was natural that, once informed 
of their existence, we should endeavor to obtain as much 
information as possible in regard to them; and it is easy to 
believe that this was a very delicate and difficult task. On 
general principles, and from what I had seen among the 
Peruvian Indians, we were prepared to find the shamans in 
Bolivia also, and the first somewhat detailed statements in 
regard to them were obtained at Tiahuanaco, though not 
from Indians. There, the term brujo (sorcerer) appeared 
to be a household word applied to all Indian medicine-men. 
There also we were told of the belief among the Indians 
that bones of dead ' * gentiles ' } could be introduced into the 
bodies of persons through evil witchcraft and taken out by 
some brujo through sucking! Later on, in the course of 
conversation with people of the country who spoke Aymara 
and appeared well versed in the customs of the Indians, we 
were informed that the titles of those who officiated as di- 
viners were "Lay-ka" and "Yatiri." 145 Some become 
"Yatiri" because they have been struck by lightning and 
survived, therefore looked upon as endowed with supernat- 
ural gifts ; a belief mentioned by older chroniclers and pre- 
vailing all over the mountainous districts of Peru. 146 We 
were assured that the layka consulted the coca, throwing its 
leaves like cards or dice when they wanted to discover 
hidden, lost, or stolen property, and that they also used 
playing cards. One of their performances was described to 
us as follows : The layka gather at night in some house and 
begin to drink. At midnight the light is put out, after pre- 
viously consulting the cards, and then the owl (" jur-eu," or 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 121 

"urcu") is called. The bird answers at once, and its cry is 
interpreted by the wizards as confirming the conclusion at 
which they arrived by means of the cards. 147 

On the Island of Titicaca, compelled to live for months 
with the Indians, we obtained more precise data. The in- 
cantation to which we consented in order to obtain an idea 
of such ceremonies, led us to know that Manuel Mamani, 
warden of the hacienda buildings (unya-siri), was one of 
the chief layka on the Island. Toward the end of our last 
stay at Challa he acknowledged it. But direct questioning 
in regard to his art and rank among the wizards proved use- 
less. It made him offish and caused him to avoid, for a time, 
the familiar evening talks at our room. Neither gifts of 
coca nor of money could prevail upon him to speak. With 
other Indians the result was still worse. The preste, 
who had been pointed out to us, and by Manuel Mamani 
himself, as a very powerful shaman, shunned us from the 
moment he suspected we might interrogate him. Hence it 
was only through very indirect methods, and by comparing 
indications thus secured with statements freely made by 
whites and mestizos, that we were finally able to learn some- 
thing. We found out that there were at least three principal 
wizards on Titicaca, and that (this from their own confes- 
sion) they were subordinate to ^medicine-men of higher au- 
thority residing at Sampaya on the Peninsula of Copaca- 
vana. But it was also stated, and by Indians, that at 
Huaicho there resided some powerful magicians whom they 
obeyed. This would indicate that the religious organization 
of the Aymara of that region is independent of the two par- 
tialities of Aran-saya and Ma-saya. Among some of the 
whites and mestizos, a certain Indian family [and particu- 
larly one man] , residing at Tiquina, was in very bad repute, 
as mighty sorcerers dreaded on the Peninsula, the Islands, 
and on Peruvian territory adjacent to Copacavana. But 
we found out, through the Indians themselves, that although 
that personage was indeed a noted shaman who frequently 



122 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

abused the credulity of mestizos and even of whites, his 
influence was not so great with the Indians. Casual obser- 
vations, hints caught here and there, the testimony of resi- 
dents at Copacavana and Puno satisfied us that the influ- 
ence of the shamans is as great among the Aymara as 
among northern Indians, and that it amounts to nearly 
absolute control of their actions and thoughts. We became 
convinced that among these wizards there is a proper 
organization, that there are degrees of rank, that some 
limit their performances to a certain sphere, others to an- 
other. On the evening of our last day at Challa we obtained, 
at last, some positive information. The Indians had been 
celebrating, and at our expense, which we readily allowed 
for obvious reasons. On the day before, two of the highest 
medicine-men from Sampaya, as it was afterward acknow- 
ledged to us, came to Challa under pretext of a friendly 
visit, and in the forenoon (while the aborigines were still 
undecided whether they would rejoice or do mischief) the 
Indians gathered around these wizards to see them consult 
the coca. We were not allowed to look on. The response 
must have been favorable, for our offers to defray the ex- 
pense of the celebration were accepted, and the dances took 
place in the afternoon. At night the house-warden, being 
moderately intoxicated, called at our room to receive his 
gift of coca, and we found him inclined to intimate talk. 
We approached him first on the subject of the dances and 
elicited the following information, which I consider mostly 
reliable; but while it is probably true in regard to the 
Island and Copacavana, there may exist variations else- 
where. 

Manuel Mamani of Challa, our informant, stated that 
among the inhabitants of Titicaca the following dances and 
groups of dancers exist : The Mimula, which is seldom per- 
formed ; the Pusipiani, the Chacanani, the Chayllpa. 

These four groups he distinctly and emphatically de- 
clared to be ancient and primitive. The Mimula and Pusi- 



§< 

HH P 

> § 






THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 123 

piani, lie further asserted, were branches of the highest of 
all,— the Chirihuanos,— which were not on the Island, but 
had their headquarters at Sampaya, their leaders and high- 
est shamans being layka from the Mamani family. 

Besides these ^.ve ancient groups, there were the following 
more modern ones : The Kenacho, or Kena-kena; the Sicuri, 
the Inca-sicuri. The latter three clusters he represented as 
being less important. His statement as to the Chirihuanos 
being the oldest and the last three named the most recent 
and least important, was repeated to us, spontaneously, by 
Dr. del Carpio, the owner of Koati, who has good oppor- 
tunity of securing information, since the headquarters of 
the Chirihuanos are in the near neighborhood of his prop- 
erty. 148 

We could not elicit from our Indian other information in 
regard to the Chirihuanos, Mimula and Pusipiani. As he 
himself belonged to the last-named, hence to a branch of the 
Chirihuanos, it is evident that he did not wish to talk ' ' out 
of school/' But in regard to others he was more commu- 
nicative, as the Indian always is about matters that do not 
directly concern him. 

He told us that it was the duty of the Chacanani "to 
fight, ' ' and that the Kenacho, or Kena-kena, have the same 
office, but as a recent and " younger' ' branch of the Cha- 
canani. The Chayllpa he represented as being hunters, 
hence they dance the chacu-ayllu. But he also stated that 
the Chayllpa are charged with the duty of " making,' ' or 
procuring, rain, by using frogs and toads as intercessors, 
and by collecting little stones on the rocky summit of the 
Calvario and throwing them into the Lake. In addition to 
these duties, the Chayllpa are expected to "make peace 
when the Chacanani and Kenacho begin to fight. ' ' 

Assuming the above statements to be true (and from our 
present knowledge I must regard them as true in the main, 
at least so far as concerns the Island), these different 
groups of dancers form as many esoteric societies. Upon 



124 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

being closely interrogated on their origin, our informant 
gave evasive answers, repeating, however, that the layka 
of Sampaya were the heads of the Chirihuanos ; that he 
himself, as Pusipiani, was the leader of the latter on the 
Island (there may have been some exaggeration in this) ; 
and that initiation in any of the clusters depended upon the 
pleasure of the "old men" exclusively. We asked several 
times whether the parents of a child might, through some 
vow, or pledge, destine that child to become a member of 
any society of dancers. He either did not understand the 
query, or was wary enough to suspect the true import of it : 
at all events he emphatically asserted, that neither the par- 
ents nor the party himself could decide or choose. 149 But 
he also made the somewhat strange statement that the ' ' old 
men" had power to transfer from one group to another! 

There is much in this that recalls the esoteric societies 
discovered by Mr. Cushing among the pueblo Indians of 
New Mexico, which certainly existed among the ancient 
Mexicans and other tribes. Thus the Chacanani and Ke- 
nacho appear to be the warriors, the Chayllpa the hunters, 
I mention such analogies only as hints, and as problems for 
further careful investigation. 

At all events, the existence of these groups, their organi- 
zation and duties, are kept very secret. That their 
functions are connected with beliefs and rites antedating 
Spanish times, appears manifest. Not only the perfor- 
mances of the Chayllpa as procurers of rain, but other 
features indicate this. While the manufacture of costumes 
and toggery is partly carried on in broad daylight, the days 
and nights preceding a big dance are marked by doings to 
which outsiders are not admitted; the layka are, at such 
times, often absent from their homes or at least are not 
accessible to strangers. The dance itself seems to be but 
the display, not the object, of the performance. Its con- 
nection with festivals of the Catholic church is a veil under 
cover of which the Indian performs ancient ceremonies. 150 



o 

•c 

ft 




* 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 125 

These embody ethnologic features of great antiquity and 
considerable interest. I can only urge the necessity of 
studying the aborigines of this part of South America ac- 
cording to the methods so successfully employed within the 
last twenty-five years among northern Indians. 

The great variety of shamans scattered over Bolivia 
among the Indians of all tribes and stocks, as well as among 
all Indians of Peru, renders their classification difficult. On 
the Island, there was a shaman over whom a cloud seemed 
to hover. He was mentioned as being " chama kani, ' ' and 
regarded with mistrust because he had "dealings with the 
owl." 151 We tried to ascertain whether the medicine-men, 
the healers and curers proper, or doctors, so-called, were 
distinct from the diviners or prophets. It struck us that 
our medicine chest and the household remedies of my wife 
were so frequently put in requisition, and that even the 
layka Manuel Mamani preferred to ask for our medicaments 
rather than, at least openly, use remedies of his own. It 
seemed as if he had no knowledge of aboriginal medicine. 
Still this same man, who usually accompanied us and par- 
ticularly assisted Mrs. Bandelier in her gathering of 
medicinal plants, displayed on such occasions a very inti- 
mate acquaintance with herbs and their application in 
sundry cases. His knowledge was indicated by what he 
refused to tell or avoided to acknowledge, as well as by what 
he freely told. Thus we learned, from other sources, of 
plants which we saw and of which he refused to give even 
the names. On the other hand he revealed to us, uncon- 
sciously, many strange beliefs and customs, relating to 
medicine. Whenever one of us accidentally hurt himself 
by falling against a stone, he would enjoin us to take a small 
piece of the rock, reduce it to powder, dilute it with water, 
and drink it, lest the same rock might hurt us again. He it 
was who told us about the ailment called "larpata," a 
child's disease, caused by the sight of a corpse. In the list 
of medicinal plants sent in by my wife, a number of species 



126 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

used in witchcraft are noted. Whatever remains of the 
aboriginal practice of medicine among the Aymara is kept 
secret, and this is doubly strange, since the more suspicious 
"art" of foretelling by means of the coca is practised by 
Indian sorcerers, not for Indians, alone, but frequently for 
the benefit of mestizos as well as of whites. Singular 
coincidences of prophecy with fact have been related to us. 
These oracles and the manner in which they are obtained 
further illustrate belief in the "Achachilas," so often men- 
tioned here. The conjurer takes certain coca leaves, perfect 
in form, which, when thrown, fall with the lustrous side 
upward. Such leaves are to represent the "Achachilas," 
of the localities where the object or subject of the consulta- 
tion is at the time, or where a certain action takes place 
directly connected with the matter at issue. We know of 
an instance where the object of the performance was to 
obtain information in regard to military movements con- 
nected with political disturbances in Peru and Bolivia. The 
consultation of the coca took place at Copacavana, and the 
shaman was an Indian of that Peninsula. He selected 
three coca leaves as representing, respectively, La Paz, 
Arequipa and Puno, the first through the "Achachila" of 
Illimani, 152 the second that of the Misti, 15 * and the third of 
some height near Puno. That most of the diviners or layka 
are imposters cannot be affirmed. They to a great extent 
are sincere, but at the same time there are some who abuse 
credulity, especially of those who are not Indians. Upon 
the Indian mind these predictions, or oracles, exercise an 
astounding influence, much greater than a wonderful cure. 
Hence the diviners, among the Aymara, assume a position 
superior to that of the medicine-men. Our later investiga- 
tions have fully established that the shamans are, among 
the Aymara, organized into several main esoteric clusters. 
But it is not the place to enter into details of researches 
carried on after our work on the Islands, in other sections 
of Bolivia. 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 127 

That the Indian punishes evil sorcery as cruelly as he 
bows slavishly to what he considers legitimate magic art, 
applies in full force to the Aymara. When the Indians of 
Yunguyu broke out on the Peruvian frontier, they sacked 
the house of the Governor, a white man. On that occasion 
they discovered two innocent dolls, but they had been hidden 
beneath the floor. It satisfied the natives that they were 
objects of black sorcery and raised their fury to such a 
pitch, that the house was actually torn to shreds. We saw 
the wreck soon after, and I never saw such complete anni- 
hilation through the hand of man. In 1893 an Indian on the 
Island, well known to us, took it into his head that a certain 
woman was a dangerous witch. He seized the unfortunate 
on a favorable opportunity, thrust her into a burning brush 
pile until she was completely roasted and then— ate her up! 
Acts of cannibalism, by the way, are not uncommon among 
the Aymara of Bolivia, and many of them are well known to 
the authorities who, however, either deny or confess they 
are impotent against such customs. Where an Indian stock 
has preserved so many of its ancient customs and beliefs, 
it is natural to suppose that authentic traditions, mythical 
and historical lore, are still to be gathered. Since the 
Aymara possess an esoteric organization like that found 
among the aborigines of the North American southwest, it 
is chiefly among their esoteric clusters that we must look 
for ancient historical lore. 



NOTES 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 



PART HI 



x The earliest printed notice of 
Titicaca Island thus far known is 
from the year 1534. Still it is possi- 
ble that rumors about the Island and 
its sacred site had gone beyond the 
limits of actual Peru. The report 
made by Juan de Samano, Secretary 
of Charles V, to the Emperor (1526) 
on the explorations along the South 
American west coast as far as Ta- 
camez, in 1525, mentions a story told 
the Spaniards, by people from fur- 
ther south, about the country inland 
and a certain island near the coast 
with the effigy of a woman (Relation 
de los primeros descubrimientos de 
Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, 
from Codex CXX of the Imperial Li- 
brary of Vienna, in Coleceion de 
Documentos ineditos para la Historia 
de Espana, Vol. V, p. 200): "Hay 
una isla en la mar junto a los pueblos 
donde tienen una casa de oracion 
hecha a manera de tienda de campo, 
toldada de muy ricas mantas labra- 
das, adonde tienen una imajen de una 
muger con un nino en los brazos que 
tiene por nombre Maria Meseia: 
cuando alguno tiene alguna enfer- 
medad en alguno miembro, hacele un 
miembro de plata 6 de oro, y ofre- 
cesela, y le sacrifiean delante de la 
imagen ciertas ovejas en ciertos 
tiempos. " The " sheep' ' here men- 
tioned were the llama, and the offer- 



ings of these animals took place in the 
Sierra, not on the coast, where the 
llama cannot live for any length of 
time. The offering of parts of the 
human body imitated in gold recalls 
the little gold and silver fetishes so 
numerously found in the soil of the 
Island. The Spaniards could hardly 
be expected to have understood the 
natives at that time. Even an Indian 
interpreter could not impart to Euro- 
peans then already a correct idea of 
what he was told in his own language. 
No Indian had had time to become 
sufficiently familiar with Spanish, at 
least on the coast of South America. 
Hence the confusion in description 
and location. The notice printed in 
1534 is, geographically, more definite, 
though still muddled, and the de- 
scriptive part bristles with exaggera- 
tions, by means of which the Indians 
sometimes hoped to get rid of the 
strangers by sending them on an ad- 
venturous journey far away. The 
document is the (exceedingly rare) 
folio, La Conquista del Peru, llamada 
la nueua Castilla, Sevilla, 1534 (with- 
out paging). The author is not 
known, but he must have been a 
companion of Pizarro. He says, on 
the last page: "Se q dixo el Cacique 
q ay otros muchos indios de aquella 
tierra de Caollo [Collao] y q ay vn 
rio muy grande en el ql ay vna ysla 



129 



130 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



dode ay ciertas casas: y que entre 
ellas esta vna muy grande toda cu- 
bierta de oro y las pajas hechas de 
oro: porq los indios nos truxeron vn 
manojo dellas y q las vigas y cuanto 
en la casa ay to do es oro : y q tiene el 
suelo empedrado con granos de oro 
por fundir: y q tiene dentro de ella 
mucho oro por fundir. Y esto oy dezir 
al cacique y a sus indios q son de aquella 
tierra estado presente el gouernador. 
Dixo mas el cacique q el oro q saca 
de aql rio no lo coge en bateas: antes 
lo cogen en vnas acequias q hacen 
salir de aql rio que laua la tierra q 
tienen cauada: y assi mesmo quitan 
el agua de aqlla acequia como esta 
lauada y cogen el oro y los granos q 
hallan q son muchos: y esto yo lo oy 
muchas vezes: porq a todos los indios 
de la tierra de Collao q lo pregun- 
tauan dezia que esto era assi ver- 
dad. ' , This information was obtained 
previous to September, 1533, as the 
cacique mentioned was Atauhuallpa. 
The river with which Lake Titicaca is 
confounded was probably the Cara- 
baya, southeast of Cuzco, in Peru. 
The gold-bearing district of that 
name was known, and the Spaniards 
began to work its " placers" before 
1544. Cieza: Tercer Libro de las 
guerras civiles del Peru, MSS. at 
Lenox Library, Cap. cxl, f ol. 199 : " y 
en el inter que fue aquel viaje Diego 
Centeno despacho cartas al rico y 
muy nombrado rio de Caravia para 
que los Espanoles que en sus riveras 
sacaban metal de oro dexasen por 
entonces aquel oficio y viniesen a ser- 
vir al Eey usando el militar. " 

Oviedo who wrote from hearsay of 
conquerors returned to Spain, is more 
sober and positive than the two an- 
terior ones (Historic/, general y 
natural de Indias, Vol. IV, Lib. xlvii, 
Cap. II, p. 261). "Aquella tierra de 
Collao tiene buena dispusicion e sitio: 
hay en ella una laguna que tiene qua- 
renta leguas de circunferenQia, y es 
dulge e fondable e de mucho pescado: 
y en una isleta que dentro se hage, 



tiene aquella gente la principal casa 
de sus ydolatrias y sacrificios, y 
es de mucha veneracion entrellos, e 
van alii como en romeria desde muy 
lexos tierra." I place his testimony 
here, as he obtained the information 
previous to 1540. 

2 The first visit by Spaniards to 
the shores of Titicaca Lake took 
place, as stated, late in December of 
1533, but the date of their visit to 
the Island is not known. It must 
have been in the last days of that 
year or early in January, 1534. The 
information concerning this recon- 
noissance of the Lake, its shores, and 
the Islands is official, and embodied 
in the report which the secretary of 
Pizarro, Pedro Sancho, wrote at 
Jauja July 15, 1534, addressing it, in 
the name of Pizarro and the royal 
functionaries with him, to the Em- 
peror. The original of this invalu- 
able document may be lost, but an 
Italian translation of it was pub- 
lished by Kamusio (Terzo volume 
Delle. Navigationi et Viaggi), was 
printed in 1556, and incorporated 
verbatim in the second and third edi- 
tions of 1565 and 1606. The trans- 
lation was made directly from 
the original— " Questa translatione e 
cauata dall 'originate ' ' (fol. 414). 
It states (fol. 413): "Nel paese di 
Collao non si ha notitia del mare.— & 
e paese piano, per quel che s'e conos- 
ciuto, & grande, & molto fredde, & vi 
sono molti fiume, de quali se caua 
oro. Dicono gl'Indiani esser in esso 
vn lagune grande d'acqua dolce in 
mezzo della quale sono due Isole, per 
saper l'esser di questo paese, & al 
gouerno suo, mando il Gouernatore 
duo Christiani accio gli rapportas- 
seron d'esso lunga informatione, che 
si partiron da lui nel principio di 
Decembre. " The brief notice in 
Oviedo seems to be taken from this 
text. A retranslation from Italian 
into Spanish was made by the late 
Don Joaquin Garcia Ycazbalceta and 
printed in the appendix to his Eng- 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 131 



lish version of Prescott's Conquest of 
Peru. Historia de la Conquista del 
Peru, escrita en Ingles por W. H. 
Prescott. Traducida al Castellano 
por Joaquin Garcia Ycazbalceta, 
Mexico, 1850. I owe the data con- 
cerning this very rare work to my 
friend Mr. Charles Paul McKie of 
Englewood, to whom I am, besides, 
indebted for other valuable informa- 
tion. 

The title of the report of Sancho 
(above quoted) is: Relatione per Sua 
Maesta di qvel che nel conquisto 4" 
pacificatione di queste prouincie della 
nuoua Castiglia e successo, fy della 
qualitd del paese dopo che el Capitano 
Fernando Pizarro si parti $• ritorno 
a sua Maesta. II rapporto del con- 
quistamento di Caxamalca 4" ^ a V™' 
gione del Cacique Atabalipa, etc. 
(Eamusio, 1565, III). The report is 
signed: Francesco Pizarro, Aluaro 
Eicchelme Antonio Nauarro, Garzia 
di Salzedo and Pero Sancho, and 
bears date as stated, Xauxa, July 15, 
1534. The part of it translated in 
the text is on fol. 413: "I duo 
Christiani che furono mandati a 
vedere la prouincia di Collao tarda- 
rono 40 giorni nel lor viaggio, doppo 
ritornati alia citta del Cusco, doue 
staua il Gouernatore, gli dierono 
nuoua & relationa di tutto quel che 
haueuan inteso & veduto, che e questa 
che qui disotto si dichiara. II paese 
di Collao e lontano & appartato molto 
dal mare, tanto che le genti natiue 
che habitano non hanno notitia 
d'esso: e paese molto alto, & medio 
cremente piano, & con tutto cio, e" 
fuor di modo freddo. — Non v'e in 
esso selua ne legna d 'abrucciare, & 
quella che percio vsa, han in baratto 
di mercantia con quelli che habitano 
vicino al mare, chiamati Ingri, & che 
habitano anco al basso presso le fiu- 
mane, doue e paese caldo che questi 
hanno legna, et si baratta con pecore 
& altro bestiame, & legumi, perche 
nel resto il paese e sterile, ehe tutti 
con radice d'herbe, et herbe, Maiz, & 



qualche poca carne si sostentano, 
non perche in quella prouincia di 
Collao non sia buona quantita di pe- 
core, ma perche la gente e tanta 
soggetta al Signore a chi deue prestare 
obedienza, che senza sua licenza, 6 del 
principale, 6 Gouernatore che per suo 
comandamento sta nella terre, non 
n'vccide, posto que ancora i Signori: 
& Caciqui non ardizcano ammazzare 
ne mangiare niuna se non e con tal 
licenza.— II paese e ben popolato, 
perche non e distrutto dalla guerra, 
come sono Paltre prouicie, le sue 
terre sono di mediocre grandezza, & 
le case uicciole, le mura di pietra & 
terra insieme, coperte di paglia. — 
L'herba che nasce in queste paese, 6 
rara & corta. Vi sono alcuni fiumi 
pero piccioli: nel mezzo della pro- 
uincia e vn gran lago di grandezza di 
presso cento leghe, & all ' intorno di 
queste lago e il piu popolato paese, 
in mezzo d'esso sono due picciold 
Isolette, nell'vna delle quali e vna 
moschea & casa del Sole, laquale e* 
tenuta in gran veneratione, & in essa 
vanno a fare le loro offerte & sacrifi- 
cij in vna gran pietra che e nell'Isola 
che la chiamano Thichicasa, doue 6 
perche il Diauolo vi si nasconde, & gli 
parla 6 per costume antico, como 
glie, 6 per altro che non s'e mai 
chiarito, la tengono tutti quelli della 
prouincia in grande stime, & gli offe- 
riscono oro & argento, & altre cose. 
Vi sono meglio di seeento Indiani al 
seruitio di questo luogo, & piu di 
mille donne, che fanno Chicca per 
gettarla sopra quella pietra. " 

* See note 10. 

* Primera Parte de la Crdnica del 
Peru, Vedia, II. Cap. cm, p. 445. 

6 Fray Alonzo Kamos Gavilan: His- 
toria de Copacabana, edited by 
Father Eafael Sans; the original, to 
which I shall refer with greater detail 
in the last part of this monograph, 
is from 1621. Part I, Cap. xv, p. 21 : 
"A lo dicho ya sobre el de Titicaca 
anadiremos que era el mas visitado 
del reino y de tamanas riquezas, las 



132 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



que es fama comun eeharon los indios 
a la laguna cuando entraron a la isla 
los primeros espafioles con el capitan 
Illescas. ' ' 

6 From the above it seems that 
Illescas had with him more than one 
soldier, whereas the first visit was by 
only two men. About the supposed 
visit of Illescas to Copacavana in 1536 
see note 8. 

1 The source here mentioned is a 
doubtful one in so far as the author, 
an expelled monk by the name of 
J. Vizcarra F., from La Paz, Bolivia, 
pretends to give a synopsis of a work 
written and published in 1628 by 
Fray Baltasar de Salas (an Augus- 
tine), under the following title: 
Excertas Aymdru — Aymdra sobre de 
los Origenes de las Gentes deste Nuev- 
Orve Me Mrl. dirixido a la C: M: de 
Don Felipe Qvarto, N: Portntsmo 
Eey de las Espanas, y Monarcha 
ynvictissimo deste Nuevo Orve: por 
su hvmilde siervo Don Fray Baltasar 
de Salas, fixo augustiniano : Quien fizo 
empremir esta parte desde los folios 
141 fasta los 255 conlas licencias mvy 
conformes a Decreto del 13 de Marzo 
de 1625, Expetito en Roma por 
N:8:S:P: VEBANO OCT A VO, 
etc. The remainder of the so-called 
facsimile is manifestly from the pen 
of Vizcarra. At the bottom of this title- 
page stands: Antverpiae Exofficina 
Plantiniana,ApudBalthasarem et Iodn- 
nem Moretos. —M.DC. XX. VIII. The 
title given by Vizcarra to his produc- 
tion is : W: T : Copacaoana de los 
Incas Documentos Auto-linguisticos e 
isografiados del Aymdru- Aymdra Pro- 
togonos de los Pre-americanos, La 
Paz, 1901. 

The whole is such an incongruous 
mass of more or less disjointed ab- 
stracts from Salas, pretended fac- 
similes, ridiculous and badly executed 
wood-cuts, and notes and discussions 
by Vizcarra which create the impres- 
sion of being the work of an utterly 
disordered brain, that at first sight 
one throws away the book in disgust. 



Still there can hardly be any doubt 
of the existence of the work of Salas 
or at least of a fragment, in the 
hands of Vizcarra. The latter is be- 
lieved (at La Paz) to have obtained 
(how is not definitely known) a num- 
ber of ancient documents touching 
Copacavana, which he carefully con- 
ceals. The book of Salas had to be 
shown to the vicarial chapter of La 
Paz, and in consequence of it that 
ecclesiastic authority issued the fol- 
lowing : 

Permiso. 
"Obtuvimos para copiar y reimprimir 
el Memorial historico-linguistico del 
Padre Salas, impreso en 110 fojas el 
ano mil, seicientos y veintiocho. Dicho 
fasciculo se lee de pag. 141 a 255, in- 
clusive; y, el mismo que, ad junto a 
cuatro legajos manuscritos, y es- 
tampados con el presente en conjunto, 
han merecido el siguiente auto. . . . 
"Vicaria Capitular de la diocesis de 

La Paz, a veintiseis de Enero de 

mil novecientos y uno. 

"No conteniendo nada opuesto a la 
doctrina Catoliea, segun la precedente 
censura de S:S: el Canonigo Doc- 
toral, el libro 'Copacabana de los 
Incas ' parte primer— Que se pro- 
pone reimprimir el Presbitero occur- 
rente, coneedese la licencia que para 
el efecto se solicita. 

' ' Machicado. 

' ' Larrea-Secretario. ' ' 

Hence the work of Salas exists, al- 
though probably not intact. If the 
abstracts that Vizcarra claims to give 
are genuine, then Salas must have 
been as insane as his modern editor. 
But no reliance can be placed upon 
quotations even. I limit myself to 
referring to pages iv-vii, where he 
states that Bartolome Las Casas came 
to Peru in 1525(1), six years before 
Pizarro, and that he held a long par- 
ley—in Spanish— with an Indian girl 
in the vicinity of Cuzco! For other 
evidences of an utterly deranged 
mind, the book bristles with them, 
and, what is worst, it is next to im- 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 133 



possible to discriminate between what 
is from Salas and what from the 
other. Nevertheless I cannot discard 
absolutely some of the material pub- 
lished by Vizcarra and shall have to 
refer to it occasionally, always with 
due reserve. There is no doubt that 
he has incorporated in the hopelessly 
confused text of his work some state- 
ments based upon documentary evi- 
dence, but manipulated and altered 
them in such a manner as to throw 
a cloud on their authenticity. How- 
ever, the core may, in some cases, be 
separated from the rubbish under 
which Vizcarra (and, perhaps, Salas 
himself?) has buried it. One of these 
cases is the following: On pages 324 
and 525 he cites a document attrib- 
uted to Fray Francisco de Gamboa, 
Augustine, dated Copacavana, July, 
1620, in which that ecclesiastic is 
made to state: "Doy ffe Yo Fray 
Francisco de Gamboa, religioso Er- 
mitano de S: Augustin, que hube 
recogido cuarentidos Expedientes en- 
tre procesados absueltos, y entre cur- 
santes, de las 'Fundaciones de En- 
comiendas' para Doctrinas de Indios 
Cullawas. " Thus far probably Gam- 
boa. What follows recalls Vizcarra, 
although there may be some original 
passages. "Entre los mas antiguos 
y principales de ellos, existen varios 
de mucha importancia para los 
anales de ccopaeawana— cuyos tra- 
sumptos los ffice escrebir segun el 
presente— inventario de encomien- 
das.— "eK.) Comarcas del.Inca Ccopa- 
kawa, eran siete el ano mill y qui- 
nientos y treinta y seis. En el cual 
ano 1536, fueron reducidas a una sola 
Doctrina de las Sacras Cruces, por 
Cedula firmada y sellada de mano 
propia de Don Pedro Anzurez y Hen- 
riquez de Campo-redondo ; Don Diego 
Illescas, con sesenta arcabuceros; Don 
Sebastian Belalcazar, con sesenta arca- 
buceros. Con los Padres del Orden de 
S: Francisco tres Sacerdotes, y dos 
Laicos, es de saber: Fray Francisco 
de los Angeles Morales, y Fr. Fran- 



cisco de la Cruz Alcozer, y Fray 
Franco, de STa Ana La Eoca, y Fr. 
Matteo de Xumilla, y Fr. Alonso de 
Alcanices. Con otros cuarenta vecinos 
de Espana, venidos en dos armadas. 
La una de Quito por el Ccosscco y el 
Aricaxa. La otra de Lima por Are- 
kypa y el Lupaka . . ." There are 
six more of these ' ' Eepartimientos ' ' 
mentioned, all, however, on the Peru- 
vian and Bolivian mainland. One is 
from the year 1557, three from 1538 
and two from 1539. At the end 
stands the following: "De todo lo 
que certifico en Copacavana y Julio 
de 1620: && Fray Francisco de Gam- 
boa. " The mention of the presence 
of Franciscans at Copacavana in 1536 
is somewhat surprising. One of the 
chroniclers of the Franciscan order in 
Peru, Fray Diego de Mendoza, in 
Chronica de la Provincia de S. Anto- 
nio de los Charcas del Orden de NBo 
seraphico P. S. Francisco, en las In- 
dias Occidentals, Beyno del Peru, 
Madrid, 1664, Lib. I, Cap. n, p. 10, 
states that Fray Marcos of Nizza 
came to Peru in 1532 and was present 
at the affair of Caxamarca with his 
six companions of the order: "Vino 
con seis Eeligiosos nuestros por su 
Comissario al Peru, ano, de mil y 
quinientos y treinta y dos, y se hallo 
con sus companeros, y los Eeligiosos 
de Nuestro Padre S: Domingo en la 
prision, y muerte de Athahualpa, 6 
Atabalipa Eey Inga, segun el mesmo 
da testimonio, y lo refiere el Obispo 
de Chiapa. " This reference is to the 
notorious book of Las Casas: Breuis- 
sima relacion dela destruycion delas 
Yndias. I quote from the Italian 
and Spanish version published in 
1643, at Venice, by Giacomo Castel- 
lani under the title of Istoria 6 
Breuissima Relatione della Distrut- 
tione dell ' Indie Occidentali, p. 114 : 
"Yo fray Marcos de Mea de la orden 
de Sant Francisco, comissario sobre 
meros Christianos entraron en las 
prouincias del Peru, que fue de los 
primeros religiosos, que con los pri- 



134 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



meros Christianos entraron en las 
dichas prouincias, digo dando testimo- 
nio verdadero de algunas cosas, que yo 
con mis ojos vi en aqlla tierra. . . ." 
Among the occurrences Fray Marcos 
saw, no mention is made by him of 
the Caxamarca episode, tout (p. 115) 
he claims (par. 14): "Item soy tes- 
tigo, & doy testimonio, que sin dar 
causa, ni occasion aquellos Yndios 
alos Espanoles, luego, que entraron 
en sus tierras, despues de auer dado 
el mayor Cacique Atabalipa, que era 
Senor de toda la tierra mas de dos 
millones de oro alos Espanoles, y 
auiendoles dado toda la tierra en su 
poder sin resistencia, luego quemaron 
al dicho Atabalipa. . . ." The as- 
sumption that Fray Marcos was in 
Peru with his six companions already 
in 1532 is therefore gratuitous. It is 
also very doubtful if any Franciscan 
monks could have been in Bolivia in 
1536. The coast was then blockaded 
by the Indians, and there was no 
communication with the interior. 
Fray Francisco de la Cruz was at 
Lima in 1535, according to Father 
Bernabe Cobo, S.J.: Eistoria de la 
Fundacion de Lima, from 1639, Lima, 
1882. "El principio que tuvo en esta 
cuidad la orden del serafico padre San 
Francisco paso de esta manera: al 
mismo tiempo que se fundo la ciudad, 
en el repartimiento de solares que el 
Marques Pizarro hizo entre los pobla- 
dores, senalo sitio para convento de 
San Francisco en la cuadra en que 
ahora esta fundado el de Santo Do- 
mingo, . . . Y como entonces se 
hallase presente un fraile Francisco 
de la Cruz, levanto en el una pequena 
capilla 6 ramada, y en ella dijo misa 
y predico algunas veces al pueblo; 
ausentose este Eeligioso dentro de 
breve tiempo, y no quedando otro de 
su orden dejo yermo y desamparado 
aquel lugar 6 solar. . . ." Further 
on it is stated: "Tomo [Francisco 
Pizarro] posesion de este sitio y dio 
principio al edificio del Monasterio el 
afio de mil quinientos cuarenta y seis 



[should be 1536], y fue su primer 
Guardian el padre fray Francisco de 
Santa Ana, el cual hubo de sacar este 
sitio de poder de ciertos vecinos 
poderosos que se habian entrado en 
el y edificado easas y huertas, y los 
primeros que en el edificaron fueron 
Cristobal Burgos, Francisco de Godoy 
y Antonio Picado seeretario del 
Marques Pizarro. M Two of the 
Franciscans mentioned in the book of 
Vizearra could, therefore, hardly 
have been at Copacavana in the year 
1536. (I do not reject the possibility 
of their having been there a few 
years later.) It is not to be over- 
looked, also, that the first missionary 
on the Lake-shore was the Dominican 
Fray Tomas de San Martin, accord- 
ing to Melendez. (See note relative to 
it in Part I.) While there is, proba- 
bly, considerable truth in the state- 
ments of Father Francisco de Gam- 
boa, it is evident, as I shall show 
further on, that the dates are not 
reliable or have been tampered with 
by Vizearra, either from incompe- 
tency or intentionally. Whatever 
may be the date of the "Enco- 
mienda ,, of Copacavana, it estab- 
lishes the fact that there were, proba- 
bly about 1538 or 1539, seven ayllos 
at Copacavana and on the Islands. 
According to Diego Garcia de Villalon 
(Sobre restitution de indios, in Docu- 
mentos ineditos sobre la Historic de 
Chile, Vol XII, p. 204), Francisco de 
la Camara was, if not the first, at 
least one of the first ' ' Encomenderos ' ' 
of Copacavana. 

"Vizearra: Copacavana de los In- 
cas, p. S24:—Inventario de Encomien- 
das: "En el cual ano 1536, fueron 
reducidas a una sola Doctrina de 
las Sacras Cruces, por Cedula 
firmada y sellada de mano propia de 
Don Pedro Anzures y Henriquez de 
Campo-redondo ; Don Diego Illescas, 
con sesenta arcabuceros; Don Sebas- 
tian de Belalcazar, con sesenta arca- 
buceros. Con los Padres [see ut 
supra]. Con otros cuarenta vecinos 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 135 



de Espana, venidos en dos armadas. 
La una de Quito por el Ccossco y el 
Aricaxa. La otra de Lima por Are- 
kypa y el Lupaka. ..." On p. 59 
he gives an abstract (?) from a docu- 
ment dated Koati, June, 1618, and 
signed by Fray Baltasar de Salas and 
others, in which it is asserted that in 
1536 the Franciscans aforementioned 
planted seventy-five crosses along the 
Lake-shore from Copacavana to Po- 
mata. The crosses were of wood 
brought from Aricaxa (now Lare- 
caja). This is accompanied by a 
note: "Kenovamos las Cruces de cin- 
cuenta anos atras. ' ' If the quota- 
tion is from an authentic text it 
throws an unfavorable light upon the 
reliability of Father Salas 's state- 
ments. 

Had there been one hundred and 
sixty Spaniards at Copacavana in 
1536, they would have been compelled 
by duty and honor. to go to the relief 
of Cuzco, where Hernando and Gon- 
zalo Pizarro were then in the worst 
of plights. 

The proof that neither Anzures 
nor Belalcazar were anywhere near 
Peru in 1536 is easily furnishedl 
About Belalcazar no documentary evi- 
dence need be quoted, for it is well 
established and known that he was 
north of Peru, in Ecuador, at the 
time. As to Anzures, he returned to 
Peru in 1538! (Exposition de Her- 
nan Jimenez acer cade las desavenencias 
de Pizarro y Almagro, in Documentos 
ineditos para la Historia de Chile, 
Vol. VII, p. 256.) He had been sent 
to Spain by Pizarro, whence he re- 
turned early in the above year (Anto- 
nio de Herrera: Historia general de 
los Hechos de los Castellanos, etc., 
edition of 1729, Decada VI, p. 61). 
Hence he could not be at Copacavana 
with an armed force in 1536. 

• The only place whence a Spanish 
troop could have reached the Lake in 
1536 would have been Arequipa, but 
the date of the foundation of the 
first Spanish establishment in that 



valley is yet in doubt, 1535 and 1537 
being variously mentioned. The 
Spanish town was officially founded 
in 1540. 

10 Historia del Nuevo Mundo, Vol. 
IV, p. 59: "Sea lo uno 6 lo otro, la 
estatua fue llevada a la ciudad del 
Cuzco por el Marques D: Francisco 
Pizarro, que envio a tres espanoles por 
ella. ' ' I find, as yet, no confirma- 
tion of this statement. 

n Historia de Copacaoana, edition 
Sans, 1860, Cap. xv, p. 21. (See note 
5.) 

12 Copacavana de los Incas, 33 : "Y 
cuando llegaron a la Peninsula los 
Capitanes Alzures y los Illescas, con 
los Padres franciscanos, aunque in- 
tentaron en 1536, no pudieron llegar 
a esta, por falta de tiempo, y porque 
la creyeron como a la del Sol estar 
yerma y desierta. " He gives no au- 
thorities for this statement, and it is 
probably one of his usual surmises. 

13 Manuel de Espinall : Belacion 
hecha al Emperador de lo sucedido 
entre Pizarro y Almagro, in Hoc. de 
Indias, Vol. Ill, p. 192, June 15, 1539 : 
"En este medio tiempo, vino a la 
dicha ciudad del Cuzco el goberna- 
dor D: Francisco Pizarro. . . ." 
He further states: "En este medio 
tiempo, vino a la ciudad del Cuzco 
el dicho Obispo." The Bishop men- 
tioned was Fray Vicente de Val- 
verde. In his letter to the Emperor, 
dated March 20, 1539, Valverde says: 
"Yo llegue a esta ciudad Del Cuzco 
un lunes, 28 de Noviembre 1538, 
donde halle al gobernador D: Fran- 
cisco Pizarro. ..." It is not un- 
likely, therefore, that it was in 1538 
Pizarro sent the three men alluded to 
by Cobo (see note 10) to get a statue, 
half silver, half gold, from the Island 
of Koati. 

14 Belacion hecha al Emperador, p. 
192. (See note preceding.) 

"Almagro the Younger: Acusacion 
contra Hon Francisco Pizarro a S :M :, 
in Hoc. de Indias, Vol. XX, p. 330: 
"Queriendo entrar en la dicha laguna 



136 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



de Titica ahogo ciertos espafioles por 
los hacer entrar en la dicha laguna" 
(p. 455). Declaration oy Joan Eodri- 
guez Barragan: "Lo otro, quel dicho 
Hernando Pizarro por ir a robar el 
oro y plata questaba en la laguna de 
Titiaca, se aogaron en la dicha laguna 
diez ombres de los que llebo consigo a 
buscar la dicha plata por su culpa e 
causa por el dicho robo, e por les man- 
dar acometer a cosas peligrosas en la 
dicha agua." Cobo: Eistoria del 
Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 64. (See note 
following.) 

18 That the principal sacred objects 
were secreted before the time the 
Spaniards appeared in any number 
at Copacavana, is variously stated, 
from hearsay. Garcilasso de la Vega 
(Comentarios reales, 1609, Vol. I, Lib. 
in, Cap. xxv, fol. 80), however, 
quotes F. Bias Valera: ti y q luego 
que los Yndios supieron la entrada de 
los Espafioles en aquella tierra, y q 
yuan tomando para si quanta riqueza 
hallauan; la echaron toda en aquel 
gran lago. ,, On what authority 
Father Valera (born in Peru, 1551, 
according to Saldamando) made this 
statement, is not said. Cobo, His- 
toria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 64: 
"Porque, estando un dia en gran 
fiesta y regocijo, cuentan que oyeron 
unas tristas voces, y de ahi a un rato 
se metio por entre ellos un ciervo a 
todo correr, de lo cual los agoreros 
pronosticaron la noticia que los es- 
pafioles tenian de su santuario y 
tesoros que en el habia y la breve 
venida que habian de hacer a el, como 
en efecto paso; se dieron tan buena 
mano en esconderlos, que nunca han 
parecido. — Presumese que los trasla- 
daron a otras islas; aunque otros 
dicen que los ministros que a la sazon 
aqui estaban, 6 los enterraron 6 echa- 
ron a la laguna, porque no les goza- 
sen los espafioles." Also Eamos: 
Historia de Copacaoana, edition of 
1860, p. 21. I do not quote Calancha, 
since he copies mostly from Eamos. 

17 Primera Parte de la Cronica del 



Peru, Vedia, II, p. 443, Cap. c: 
11 Antes que los Ingas reinasen, 
cuentan muchos indios destos collas 
que hubo en su provincia dos grandes 
sefiores el uno tenia por nombre 
Zapana y el otro Cari, y que estos 
conquistaron muchos pucares, que son 
sus fortalezas; y que el uno entro en 
la laguna de Titicaca, y que hallo en 
la isla mayor que tiene aquel palude 
gentes blancas y que tenian barbas, 
con los cuales peleo de tal manera, que 
los pudo matar a todos." In Se- 
gunda Parte de la Cronica, also called 
Del Senorio de los Incas, Madrid, 
1880, Cap. iv, p. 4, he not only con- 
firms his previous statement but gives 
the source whence it was obtained by 
him. ' ' Chirihuana, gobernador de 
aquellos pueblos que son del Empera- 
dor, me conto lo que tengo escripto. 
. . ." Hence the tale might be un- 
contaminated Indian lore. 

18 Historia de las guerras civiles del 
Peru, Vol. Ill, Cap. xlix, p. 421, et 
seq. Analogous tales are contained 
in the anonymous Conquista y Poola- 
cion del Peru, in Documentos ineditos 
de Chile, to which I shall also refer 
in detail in the last chapter of this 
monograph. 

19 The approximate date of the oc- 
cupation of Titicaca by the Cuzco peo- 
ple is about 1475. (See the two chap- 
ters following.) 

20 This is concurrently stated by the 
Augustine monks who wrote on Titi- 
caca in the first half of the seven- 
teenth century. Eamos, Historia, etc., 
p. 5, speaking of Tupac Yupanqui, to 
whom the occupation of the Island 
is attributed: " Luego se declaro so- 
berano absoluto de la isla, y mando 
salir de ella a, sus habitantes natu- 
rales, y sin darles audiencia los tras- 
lado al pueblo de Yunguyo, pues no 
eran los mas morales ni los mas apa- 
rentes a sus intentos" (p. 14). "El 
haber sacado el Inca a los naturales 
de la isla trasladandolos a, Yunguyo 
fue porque quiso poner de custodios 
del famoso adoratorio del sol a gentes 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 137 



de su confianza. ' ' Fray Antonio de 
la Calancha (Coronica Moralizada, 
Vol. II, Lib. I, Cap. n) merely copies 
Eamos, and so does Fray Andres de 
San Nicolas: Imdgen de N. S. de Co- 
pacavana, etc., Madrid, 1663. The Je- 
suit Cobo, who wrote at length on the 
Island (which he visited from Copaca- 
vana), also states: "La gente que 
habitaba la isla de Titicaca era natu- 
ral de Yunguyo, a la cual envio el Inca 
a su pueblo, reservando algunos viejos 
que diesen razon y enterasen en los 
secretos de la isla a los que de nuevo 
hizo la habitasen. Porque, en lugar 
de aquella gente desposeida, metio 
otra traida del Cuzco, de quien tenia 
la satisfaccion y credito que la 
gravedad del caso requiria. " That 
the original inhabitants of Titicaca 
were Collas, that is, Aymara, is as- 
serted by both Augustines and Je- 
suits. I merely refer to Eamos, His- 
toria, p. 4, and to Cobo, Hist, del N. 
Mundo, IV, p. 55. Father Ludovico 
Bertonio, S.J., asserts that the Lupa- 
cas occupied the western Lake-shore 
(Arte y Grammatica mvy copiosa 
dela Lengva Aymara, 1603, reprint 
by Platzmann, 1879, p. 11), and the 
same is intimated by Eamos (pp. 11 
and 27). 

The fact of the establishment of 
women who had to devote at least 
part of their existence to ceremonial 
purposes is variously stated. Eamos: 
Hist., p. 5, et seq.; Anello Oliva, His- 
toria del Perv, etc., 1631, published 
at Lima, without date, about 1893. 

21 If the statements of Calancha are 
reliable, the islands were inhabited in 
1589. Coronica Moralizada, Vol. II, 
Cap. xiv, f ol. 78 : "A otros Eeligiosos 
cometieron el entrar a dotrinar en las 
islas, de que tanto dejamos dicho, que 
estan en la gran laguna Titicaca, 
donde avia gran multitud de Indios; 
algunos con titulo de sus labrangas, 6 
comercios, muchos por huir de la doc- 
trina, i de el trabajo, otros por 
asistir en sus guacas, i adoratorios 
acopanando a sus idolos, i todos, 6 



los mas, tenian de cristianos sola- 
mente ser bautizados. ' ' The Augus- 
tines took possession of the mission 
of Copacavana in 1589, and the above 
passage relates to their actions imme- 
diately after they had established 
themselves there. See also Lopez de 
Velazco: Geografia y Descripcion 
universal de las Indias (written in 
the years 1571 to 1574, published by 
Justo Zaragoza, Madrid, 1894). 

In regard to the decree of the 
Conde de la Gomera, reference to it 
is found in Eamos: Historia, p. 20: 
"Siendo Gobernador de Chucuito el 
Conde de la Gomera hizo sacar todos 
los indios ineultos de las islas. . . ." 
The province of Chucuito did not em- 
brace Copacavana, nor the Islands of 
Titicaca and Koati, which pertained 
to Omasuyos; it is therefore unlikely 
that the decree of the Corregidor of 
Chucuito should have affected the In- 
dians of that district. 

22 0rigen de los Indios de el Nuevo 
Mundo, edition of 1729, p. 75: The 
lagune of Titicaca "tiene Islas, que 
antiguamente se habitaron, i labraron, 
aora estan desiertas. ' ' This passage 
is also in the first edition, published 
in 1607, so that the information is 
from the end of the sixteenth or the 
beginning of the seventeenth century. 

23 Coronica Moralizada, Vol. II, f ol. 
31: "En las Yslas q contiene su 
archipelago, i como mayor en la de 
Titicaca, ay gran cantidad de Yndios, 
6 fugitivos de la dotrina, 6 agravia- 
dos de los Corregidores, i Caziques, 6 
Pescadores para grangerias, i no avra 
pocos para asistir a, la supersticion de 
sus idolatrias. ' f The second volume 
of Calancha 's work was published in 
1653. 

24 There is to-day on the shores of 
the Copacavana Peninsula a site bear- 
ing the name Chachapoyas. That 
some Indians from that remote north- 
ern part of Peru may have been car- 
ried along with the Inca war-parties 
to the Lake-basin is not impossible. 
Eamos : Historia, p. 9 : " Pero, a pesar 



138 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



de esa orden imperial, las mas estan 
perdidas que ni los apellidos se hallan, 
aunque existen to da via las estancias 
de los Chachapoyas, Canares, Canas y 
alguna otra. " He asserts that the 
Indians from Chachapoyas were 
among Tupac Yupanqui's followers. 

25 Tomo Primero de las Ordenanzas 
del Peru, 1752 j Ordenanzas de To- 
ledo, November 6, 1573, Lib. II, Tit. 
ix, Ord. vm, fol. 145: "Iten, mando, 
que ningun Indio, ni India apriete las 
cabezas de las criaturas recien nacidas, 
eomo lo suelen hazar para hazerlas 
mas largas, porque de averlo hecho se 
les a recrecido, y recrece dano, y 
vienen a morir dello ..." Thirteen 
years later, the Corregidor of the 
province of Collaguas (Department of 
Arequipa, Peru), Joan de Ulloa Mo- 
gollon, in his report dated January 
20, 1586: Belacion de la Provincia de 
los Collaguas, etc., in Eelaciones geo- 
grdficas de Indias, Vol. II, p. 40: 
"Estos Collaguas, antes de la visita 
general que se hizo por mandamiento 
del excelentisimo virey don Francisco 
de Toledo, traian en la cabeza unos 
que llamaban en su lengua Chucos, a 
manera de sombreros muy altos sin 
falda ninguna, y para que se pudiesen 
tener en la cabeza, se la apretaban a 
los ninos recien nacidos tan recia- 
mente, que se la ahusaban y adelgaza- 
ban alta y prolongada lo mas que 
podian, para memoria que habian las 
cabezas de tener la forma alta del 
volcan de donde salieron. Esto les 
esta ya prohebido por ordenanza. " 
Of the Indians of ' ' Cavana ' ' he says : 
"Estos son muy diferentes en la 
cabeza a los Collaguas, porque, recien 
nacidos los ninos e ninas, se la atan y 
la hacen chata y ancha, muy fea y 
desproporcionada ; la cual se atan con 
unas cuerdas blancas a manera de 
mechas, y dando muchas vueltas alre- 
dedor, quedan las cabezas ensancha- 
das. Estales prohibido ya esto por 
ordenanza. Conocense bien en la 
hechura de las cabezas el ques natural 
de Cavana y el ques Collagua, que, 



como esta dicho, los Collaguas se» 
ahusan la cabeza larga y estos Cava- 
nas ancha y chata." The Indians of 
Cavana are Quichuas, those of Colla- 
gua spoke the Aymara language 
(p. 43). The Indian Salcamayhua, in 
his Belacion de Antigiledades deste 
Beyno del Piru, written probably 
about 1613, but published in the orig- 
inal text at Madrid in 1879, in Tres 
Belaciones de Antigiledades peruanas, 
attributes the custom to the commands 
of the Inca war-chief Lloque Yupan- 
qui (p. 253). This is purely an imag- 
inary statement and explanation of 
the origin. Says Cobo (Historia del 
Nuevo Mundo, IV, 176): "Unas na- 
ciones las hacian anchas de frente, 
apretandolas, para darles esta forma, 
con unas tablillas fuertemente liadas. 
Los Collas formaban la cabeza larga 
y puntiaguda . . . y para dar esta 
figura a, las cabezas de los ninos, las 
liaban y apretaban con vendas, y las 
traian asi hasta edad de cuatro 6 
cineo anos, que ya quedaban endure- 
cidas y amoldadas a, su tocado, largas, 
ahusadas y sin colodrillo. " He af- 
firms to have yet seen some old men 
with deformed skulls. 

28 That the sandal ("ayanque" on 
the coast of Peru, and "ojota" in 
Aymara of Bolivia) was the primitive 
foot-gear of the Indians needs no 
references to early information. It is 
well known and established. 

27 Pulmonary affections were also 
noticed by us. We know of two cases, 
one of which a boy about sixteen years 
old, the other a young married woman. 

28 The disease is looked upon as 
venereal by the Indians, but our cure 
does not support the belief. Of vene- 
real affections we saw some traces, 
although the Indian conceals such ail- 
ments as much as possible. They 
certainly exist among them, but I be- 
lieve them to be less frequent and less 
violent in the Sierra than on the 
coast. 

29 It may not be devoid of interest 
to note what Father Cobo, from the 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 139 



standpoint of knowledge of the seven- 
teenth century, says about the physical 
properties of the Indian (Historia del 
Nuevo Mwndo, III, p. 23 et seq.) : 
"Son todos naturalmente flematicos 
de complexion; y como la flema natu- 
ral hace blanda y humeda la sustancia 
<le los miembros del cuerpo, tienen 
muy blandas y delicadas carnes, y asi, 
se cansan presto y no son para tanto 
trabajo como los hombres de Europa; 
hace mas labor en el campo un hombre 
«n Espana que cuatro indios aca . . . 
Junto con ser flematicos son en ex- 
tremo grado sanguinos de donde les 
nace ser excesivamente calidos, como 
se prueba en que en el tiempo de 
mayores frios y hielos, si se les toca 
la mano, se les hallara siempre calor 
notable ; y en la poca ropa que visten, 
que no les sirve de ninguu abrigo, 
mas que de cubrir sus cuerpos. 
Cuando van camino, duermen, aunque 
sea en muy frios paramos, donde les 
toma la noche, al cielo descubierto; 
y acontece caer sobre ellos un palmo 
de nieve y dormir entre ella eon tanto 
reposo como si estuvieran en blandas 
y regaladas camas. Echase tambien 
de ver su excesivo calor, en que tienen 
unos estomagos mas recios que de 
Avestruz, segun la cantidad y calidad 
de los manjares que gastan. Porque, 
dejado aparte que son muy groseros y 
recios sus mantenimientos, los comen 
ordinariamente casi crudos y sin sazon, 
y con todo eso los digieren muy 
presto: y si bien cuando comen a su 
costa son muy parcos en la comida, 
con todo eso, comiendo a costa ajena, 
son unos lobos. ' ' 

Concerning the diseases most com- 
mon among the Indians of the Bolivian 
table-land, the Belacion de la Pro- 
vincia de los Pacajes, in Eel. geo- 
grdficas de Indias, Vol. II, p. 59, 
from about 1586, has the following: 
"Las enfermedades que tenian anti- 
guamente eran viruelas, sarampion, ca- 
maras de sangre, y que al presente 
tienen las mismas y tienen mas otras 
enfermedades, que son bubas, que 



llaman Guanti, y mal de corazon, y 
algunas tercianas y cuartanas que les 
precede de entrar en los Yungas por 
Coca, ques tierra caliente. Y para el 
remedio destas enfermedades no tenian 
medicos, solo usaban de la sangria con 
un pedernal y de una yerba que hay en 
esta provincia que se dice Arato, a 
manera de yerba-buena, la cual comian 
verde, y molida la bebian; y de otra 
yerba que se dice Chuquicaylla ques 
a manera de aulagas, con que se sahu- 
maban para las calenturas; y despues 
que entraron los espanoles tuvieron 
conocimiento de una resina que se dice 
Yareta, a manera de trementina, ques 
para sacar frios y dolores. " 

80 This is already recorded in the 
report of July, 1534: Belatione per 
Sva Maesta, etc. Bamusio, III, fol. 
413 : ' ' Le sue terre sono di mediocre 
grandezza, & le case picciole, le mura 
di pietra & terra insieme, coperte di 
paglia. " Cieza: Primera Parte de 
la Cronica, etc., Cap. xclx, p. 442: 
"Los pueblos tienen los naturales jun- 
tos, pegadas las casas unas con otras, 
no muy grandes, todas hechas de piedra, 
y por cobertura paja, de la que todos 
en lugar de teja suelen usar. " Cobo: 
Hist, del N. Mundo, IV, p. 166: "En 
la Sierra hacen las casas de piedra y 
barro y las cubren de paja. La piedra 
es tosca y puesta sin orden y concierto, 
mas que la van asentando y juntando 
con pelladas de barro." These de- 
scriptions, from 1534, 1550, and 1653, 
respectively, agree fairly well with 
the present appearance of Indian 
dwellings, less the few modern im- 
provements mentioned in my text. 

31 Archaeological Beconnoissance into 
Mexico, second edition, p. 129. 

32 Cobo, in Historia, etc., IV, p. 163, 
describes the villages of the Sierras 
very well, also on pp. 166 and 167, but 
does not mention store-houses. 

33 Cobo: Historia, etc., IV, p. 171: 
"La cama que usan los de la sierra y 
tierra fria, es una manta gruesa de 
lana, llamada Chusi, tendida en el 
suelo; la mitad les sirve de colchon y 



140 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



otra mitad, que doblan por los pies, 
de cobertor 6 frezada, y suelen dormir 
metidos en un Chusi todos los de una 
casa, padres e hijos, aunque los que 
van entrando en polieia, por la honesti- 
dad, apartan ya eamas . . . En todas 
partes duermen con el mismo vestido 
que traen de dia, excepto que los 
varones se quitan la Yacolla 7 las 
mujeres la Lliclla. " This custom of 
sleeping together on one Poncho, so 
to say, is already mentioned in the 
sixteenth century. The Licenciado 
Joan de Matienzo, one of the most 
distinguished, and at the same time 
most studious in matters of the In- 
dian, of the members of the royal 
Audieneia of La Plata (now Sucre, 
Bolivia), who came to Peru in 1559, 
states in Gobierno del Peru con todas 
las cosas pertenecientes a el y a su 
historia, MSS. at Lenox Branch of 
N. Y. Pub. Library, fol. 40: "Y 
porque de dormir en el suelo les uienen 
enfermedades que se mande que ten- 
gan barbacoas en que duerman y 
porque el Padre y la Madre y hijos y 
hijas estan en vn boijo todos juntos 
y duermen juntos que se haga en cada 
casa boijo un apartamTO en que 
esten las hijas y no como bestias. " 
Like many salutary measures of the 
Spanish government, this one re- 
mained a dead letter in the inte- 
rior. We saw many families on the 
Islands living and sleeping together 
in one room and partly on the floor, 
so to say, "ina heap. ' ' 

34 The guinea-pig ("cuy" in Peru, 
"cone jo"— the Spanish for rabbit- 
in Bolivia) is indigenous; the hog is 
imported from Europe. Occasionally 
a cross of the domestic pig with the 
javali of the forest is met with. There 
was such a specimen on the Island. 
It recalled the European wild boar in 
appearance and its meat was far supe- 
rior to that of the common hog. 

35 Compare Final Report of Investi- 
gations among the Indians of the 
Southwestern United States, Vol. I, 
p. 269, and Archaeological Reconnois- 



sance, p. 142. We saw, at Challa, on 
the Island, in the dwelling of the 
Alcalde Mariano Mamani, a four- 
legged stool of stone, well made. It 
was imbedded in the wall and said 
to have been found in the Inca ruins 
of Kasapata. Pedro Pizarro describes 
as follows the seat used by Atahuallpa 
(Relation del Descubrimiento y Con- 
quista de los Reinos del Peru, etc., in 
Documentos para la Historia de Es- 
pana, Vol. V, p. 249): "Estaba sen- 
tado este senor en un duo de madera 
de altor de poco mas de un palmo: 
este duo era de madera colorada muy 
linda, y tenianle siempre tapado con 
una manta muy delgada, aunque estu- 
viese el sentado en eL" Francisco de 
Xerez: Verdadera Relation de la Con- 
quista del Perv y Provincia del Cuzco, 
1534, reprint of 1891, Madrid, p. 82: 
' ' Y el tirano estaba a la puerta de su 
aposento sentado en un asiento bajo. ' ' 
Cobo : Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 
p. 272 : ' l No tenian en sus casas sillas 
escanos ni genero de asientos, porque 
todos, hombres y mujeres, se sentaban 
en el suelo, sacando los Caciques y 
grandes senores, que por merced y 
privilegio del Inca usaban de asiento 
dentro y fuera de sus casas, al cual 
Uamaban Duho, y era un banquillo 
de madera labrado de una pieza, largo 
dos palmas y alto uno, seme j ante en 
la hechura a un animal que tuviese las 
piernas cortas, la cabeza baja y la 
cola alta, porque comunmente le daban 
figura de animal. Tenia la superficie 
alta concava, para que ajustase con 
la parte por donde se asienta el 
hombre." With the exception of the 
statement that the right to use such 
stools was vested in the "Inca" and 
delegated by him to minor chiefs, 
the statement by Cobo is valuable. 
The words "dubo" or "duo" are 
neither Aymara nor Quichua. 

In the private collection of Mr. 
George G. Heye at New York City is 
a good specimen of a wooden seat 
from Puerto Eico, and there are two 
specimens at the American Museum 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 141 



of Natural History, both from Turks 
Island. It seems therefore that these 
stools, or low chairs, were in use 
among a number of tribes, both in 
North and South America. Among 
many other sections I only mention 
here Nicaragua. Oviedo: Historia 
general y natural, edition of 1855, 
Vol. IV, pp. 109 and 111, et seq. 

36 We were assured, at Tiahuanaco, 
that the Aymara would not tolerate 
images of saints in their houses, from 
fear of the " Santo Ayre" or ill- wind 
from the saints, a species of disease. 

"Although, in appearance, the 
Indian trusts his home and chattels by 
not locking the door of the former, 
this is not the result . of confidence 
in his own people. In the first place, 
there are hardly locks to be seen in 
the villages of the aborigines, and, 
besides, he trusts to the magic power 
of primitive ceremonials that accom- 
panied the construction of the build- 
ings, and to the ' ' Achachila ' ' or 
' ' Paccarina ' ' (see later, text and 
notes). Burglary, therefore, is as 
good as unknown. What he owns 
outside of the home and is not in 
care of special fetishes he guards 
carefully against robbery, from his 
own people even more than from 
whites or mestizos. 

38 Cobo: Historia, etc., IV, p. 170: 
"En todas las casas, por pequenas 
que sean, hay su fogon detras de la 
puerta, el cual es de hechura de un 
hornillo pequeno, no mas alto que un 
palmo, cerrado por todas partes, con 
pequena boca por donde atizan el 
fuego, y por la parte alta, dos 6 tres 
agujeros redondos, donde asientan las 
ollas. " This is the kere of to-day, 
which is usually built by the women, 
and done quite rapidly, too. Whether 
the kere, in its present form, is still 
of the primitive type, is another ques- 
tion. 

89 Taquia is llama dung, the chief 
combustible in those timberless ex- 
panses. 

40 Cobo: Historia, etc., IV, p. 170: 



1 ' Las piezas que usan en este menester 
son no mas que de dos 6 tres maneras ; 
ollas de barro sin vidriar, en que an- 
tiguamente pintaban diversas figuras, 
como tambien en los cantaros y demas 
vasijas; platos de calabazas secas, del 
tamaiio de pequenas porcelanas, barro 
y de madera; los de palo se dicen 
Meca, y los de barro Pucu; y cazuelas 
medianas de barro que llaman 
Chuas." The chua is a bowl or a 
saucer. 

41 Final Eeport, I, p. 269; Archae- 
ological Beconnoissance, p. 138. 

42 Cobo, Hist, del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 
p. 168: "Los mantenimientos que en- 
cierran son Maiz, Chuno y Quinua, que 
todas estas tres cosas les sirven de 
pan, aunque no todas siempre a todos. 
Suelen las guardar, 6 dentro de sus 
casas en tinajas grandes, 6 en algun 
apartadijo que para esto hacen, 6 
fuera dellas en unas pequenas trojes 
que hacen, bien def endidas del agua. ' ' 
Formerly they kept their better cloth- 
ing also in vessels of clay. (P. 171.) 
"Todo esto guardaban en tinajas, que 
no tuvieron otras areas, baules ni es- 
caparates. ,f Hence clothing found in 
large clay vessels is not always an in- 
dication of ceremonial usage. 

43 Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 
p. 170. 

**Ibid.: "Para moler cosas pe- 
quenas tienen otra piedra al modo de 
mortero, algo concava, y muelen en 
ella con otra pequena y larguilla de la 
suerte que los pintores muelen los 
colores. " Specimens of these imple- 
ments are contained in the collections 
sent by us from the Islands and other 
parts of Bolivia. See plates, etc. 

45 Cobo, IV, p. 168: "No tuvieron 
curiosidad en hacer portadas grandes 
y labradas: todas eran puertas pe- 
quenas y lianas, y las mas tan bajas y 
estrechas, que parescen bocas de 
hornos. Por donde, cuando vamos a 
confessar sus enfermos, no podemos 
entrar sino doblando el cuerpo y a casi 
gatas. ' ' 

48 Cieza, Primera Parte, etc., Cap. 



142 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



xox, p. 442: "Los dias y noches son 
casi iguales, y en esta comarca hace 
mas frio que en ninguna otra de las 
del Peru. ' ' 

"Cobo, IV, p. 167: "Lo tercero, 
que ni casas de nobles ni de plebeyos 
tenian puertas fijas y asentadas para 
abrir y eerrar: solo usaban de unos 
canizos 6 zarzos con que tapa- 
ban la puerta cuando cerraban; y si 
iban fuera y no quedaba nadie, arri- 
maban al caiiizo algunas piedras, y no 
usaban de mas cerraduras, Have ni de- 
fensa. ' ' This (aside from other tes- 
timony) shows that the door is a 
European introduction. 

48 Historia, IV, p. 171. 

49 The word ' l chuco ' ' is Quichua. 
Fray Torres Eubio: Arte y Vocaoula- 
rio de la Lengua Quichua, edition of 
1754, fol. 155— " Chhuccu, Birrete, 6 
Capacete de Indios. " Cieza: Pri- 
mera Parte, Cap. in. Cobo: Historia, 
IV, p. 176. Pedro Pizarro: Relation, 
p. 261. Ulloa Mogollon: Relation de 
la Provincia de los Collaguas, p. 40. 

60 Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 
p. 159 et seq. Yacolla and chuspa are 
both Quichua words. Torres Eubio: 
Arte y Vocaoulario, fol. 106, Part I, 
for Yacolla, p. 85 for Huaras, and 
p. 82 for Chuspa or Chhuspa. 

51 The lliclla, or lliclle, is also called 
*■ l aguayo ' ' and is, at the present time, 
a small piece of handsomely woven 
cloth, like a handkerchief, or what 
in French is named foulard. The 
cumbi or pampacona is yet seen in 
Bolivia on the heads of women from 
south of La Paz and elsewhere. The 
vincha, or uincha, is worn as a head- 
band by the women around Charas- 
sani; it is from one to two inches wide 
and beautiful in color and design. 
Finger-rings are not unfrequently 
found in ruins; compare the speci- 
mens from the Island figured in this 
monograph. The latter are of copper 
and of bronze. A handsome ring, of 
enameled bronze, was found by us on 
the upper slopes of Illimani in a 
ruined village. 



"The ancient needle of copper or 
bronze is called "yauri." It is not 
in use at present. The large pins— 
topo, or tumi— are now mostly made 
in the shape of spoons, and are some- 
times of silver or gold. The mestizo 
women ("cholas") of Bolivia wear 
ear-rings, sometimes very long and 
costly ones. 

53 The word calzon is, as well known, 
Spanish. 

54 Cobo, Historia, IV, p. 163: "Para 
obrar estos vestidos y ropas, y aun 
para remendarlas, no tienen necesidad 
de mas instrumentos que de una 
aguja, que ellos llaman ciracuna, 
hecha de una espina larga medio jeme, 
gruesa como las nuestras colchoneras, 
horadada al cabo y muy puntiaguda; 
porque con ella y hilo de lo mismo que 
son los vestidos, las cosen y remiendan, 
porque no usan para remendar afiadir 
parte de su pafio sobre la rotura, como 
nosotros, sino que van zarciendo con 
un hilo de la misma lana lo que de la 
urdiembre se ha gastado. M A num- 
ber of such needles made of thorns or 
spines were sent by us to the Ameri- 
can Museum of Natural History at 
this city. 

65 Yauri is also the Aymara name 
for copper. Bertonio, Vocaoulario, I, 
p. 124. 

56 Cobo {Historia, IV, p. 190) does 
not mention agricultural implements 
of stone, but our numerous finds of 
stone hoes and clod-breakers, on the 
Islands, in the Cordillera, etc., prove 
their existence and use. He speaks 
only of copper and wooden tools. 
"Los instrumentos de sus labranzas 
eran pocos, y esos de palo 6 cobre y de 
ningun artificio. El arado 6 azadon 
era un instrumento llamado Taclla, de 
un palo tan grueso como la mufieca y 
largo poco mas de dos codos, a manera 
de zanco. Por donde lo asian estaba 
torcido como cayado, y en la punta 
ataban otro palo de cuatro dedos de 
ancho y uno de canto de otra madera 
mas recia; y como un palmo antes del 
remate della tenian asido un gancho 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 143 



del largor de un jeme, donde hacian 
Fuerza con el pie izquierdo. Fuera 
desta suerte de arados tenian otro in- 
strument de un palo corvo, que hacia 
forma de hazuela de carpintero 6 de 
almocafre, con que quebrantavan los 
terrones, escardaban y mulian la 
tierra; y estos dos instrumentos eran 
los principales con que labraban los 
campos. Para escardar los sembrados 
y hacer los hoyos en que enterraban 
el Maiz al sembrarlo, usaban de Lam- 
pas, que los Mexicanos Hainan Coas, y 
es un instrumento como azada, salvo 
que el hierro era de cobre, sino llano 
como pala eorta de horno. V 

"Cobo, Eistoria, IV, p. 208: "El 
techo y cubierta de todos estos edifi- 
cios era de vigas grandes sin clavazon, 
mas que atadas con sogas, y por tejas 
Hicho largo muy bien asentado. " 

08 We found much ancient rope, 
made of ichhu-grass, in ruined houses 
of the Puna. Thongs of Llama-hide 
and woolen ropes were also used. To- 
day they still use rawhide in prefer- 
ence to hemp. What I say of the 
Islands concerning modern tools we 
subsequently noticed on the mainland 
also. 

6 * The complaint over the uncleanli- 
ness of the Aymara is general in early 
sources. No quotations are required. 

60 See note 33. 

01 The pongo (from puncu: door, or 
doorway, since the ancient Bouses had 
no doors) is in reality not so much a 
doorkeeper (except at night) as a gen- 
eral drudge. There are two kinds of 
"pongos" in most houses of whites 
or mestizos: the ll sala-pongo, ' ' who 
is doorkeeper and waiter, and the 
l i cocina-pongo, ' ' who carries water, 
cleans up, washes dishes and helps the 
cook. The "mit'-ani" is usually a 
female cook, also a maid of all work. 

62 Simon Bolivar, Decreto, Cuzco, 
July 4, 1825, in Coleccion oficial de 
Leyes, Becretos, Resoluciones, fyca, de 
la Eepublica Boliviano,, Vol. I, p. 34: 
"Que la Constitucion de la Eepublica 
no conoce desigualdad entre los ciu- 



dadanos. " This is an indirect recog- 
nition of the citizenship of the In- 
dians, confirmed in the second decree, 
of same date. On December 2 2d 
of the same year Bolivar decreed (p. 
101): "Que proclamadas por la 
Asamblea de estas provincias su abso- 
luta independencia, libertad, e igual- 
dad civil, dejaron de eesistir las clases 
privilegiadas. ' ' President Andres 
Santa Cruz of Bolivia (Becreto, Vol. 
II, p. 22), speaking of the Indians, 
calls them "Siendo estos ciudadanos 
empleados en el cultivo de las tierras, ' ' 
etc. 

03 Changes in policy in regard to 
Indian lands have been frequent, and 
I withhold from quoting authorities. 

64 The terracing of slopes for pur- 
poses of tillage, and especially the 
rotation in cultivated patches for the 
sake of letting the land recuperate, 
are customs that were common to the 
land-tilling tribes of Peru and Bolivia 
long previous to the conquest. Says 
Garcilasso de la Vega, in Comentarios 
reales, I, fol. 100: "Y porq eran tan 
esteriles por falta de riego, no las 
sebrauan mas de vn afio o dos, y luego 
repartia otras, porque descansassen las 
primeras. " Like Cieza, he attrib- 
utes every kind of improvement, also 
in agriculture, to the Inca. This is 
not the ease. The custom of rotation 
antedates the time of Inca raids, as 
well as the construction of terraces on 
slopes. The latter needs no further 
proof than the existence of such an- 
denes in sections whither the Incas 
never penetrated, where they are as 
abundant as elsewhere, and the exist- 
ence, on the Islands, of terraces at- 
tributed to the "Chullpa" or Aymara, 
and positively stated to be from times 
long anterior to the first visit of Incas 
to Titicaca. Inca terraces on the 
Islands can be easily recognized from 
their superior workmanship. In re- 
gard to periodical redistribution of 
lands, the Licenciado Falcon, in his 
Representation hecha en Goncilio 
Provincial, sobre los danos y molestias 



144 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



que se hacen a los Indios, Doc. de 
Indias, VII, p. 465, says: "Tambien 
es necesario advertir que se engafian 
los que dicen que el Inga daba, y qui- 
taba las tierras a quien queria, y aun 
los caciques, lo cual no pasa asi, sino 
fue en la entrada y conquista . . . y 
no hace al caso que en algunas tierras 
hasta hoy se repartan las tierras por 
el curaca a los indios, porque esto es 
por costumbre que habia en aquellas 
provincias de antes del tiempo del 
Inga y dexolos el Inga en ella. ' ' This 
alludes to rotation and redistribution 
as a custom anterior to the estab- 
lishment of Inca sway. The well- 
known Licenciado Polo de Ondogardo, 
in Relation de los fundamentos acerca 
del notable dano que resulta de no 
guardar a los Indios sus fueros, Doc. 
de Indias, XVII, p. 32, June 25, 1571, 
states: "Y estas tierras dividian en 
cada vn ano e dividen hoy dia en la 
mayor parte del rreyno, e yo me e ha- 
llado presente a, la diuision en munchos 
e principalmente en la provincia del 
Collao y en la del Chucuyto, y en este 
quinto presupuesto pudo entrar por 
regla general ynfalible que nynguno 
poseyo por merced del inga, la qual 
como esta dicho, tampoco diuidian los 
herederos ny podian disponer della en 
nynguna manera. ' ' 

65 The principal pasturages on the 
Island are the low grounds at Pucara, 
(m.) and the grassy swellings of Ciri- 
apata. The cattle of the Indians run 
loose all over the Island. 

66 The same system prevails nearly 
all over Bolivia, as I shall have occa- 
sion to show in my other work on the 
country. 

67 What to-day is designated by the 
Spanish name of " comunidades " 
and ' ' estancias ' ' are tribes, each com- 
posed of a number of ayllu. The word 
ayllu is both Aymara and Quichua. 

68 This division, about which I hope 
to give more data in a subsequent 
work, is so frequently mentioned in 
the early sources that no doubt can 
remain concerning its existence at 



Cuzco. At the present time it exists 
in Bolivia under the respective names 
of Aran-saya and Ma-saya. Although 
it is stated the Incas introduced it 
among the Aymara, it is far from 
certain. A singular statement is found 
in Ramos ' Ristoria de Copacabana, 
1860, p. 55, in connection with the 
finding of the cross of Carabuco (see 
my paper in the American Anthro- 
pologist, Vol. VI, No. 5) : "Entre los 
Urinsayas, que son los naturales de 
un lugar, solia mandar el Inca indios 
de su confianza para amalgamarlos 
mejor en las costumbres del imperio 
y para velar sobre la fidelidad de los 
nuevos conquistados ; a estos foraste- 
ros les llamaban Anansayas: dos par- 
cialidades que se miraban con recelo y 
muchas veces venian a las manos, como 
judios y samaritanos. . . . Los Urin- 
sayas dijeron a los Anansayas, que 
eran unos pobres advenedizos sin tierra 
ni patria propia, " etc. This would 
indicate that the division antedated 
the appearance of the Inca on the 
eastern shores of Titicaca. 

69 Also: Libro de Cassados que Per- 
tenece a este Pueblo de Tiaguanaco, 
1694 to 1728, MSS. 

70 Ibidem. An ' ' Inca-ayllu ' ' is 
mentioned, as from several distinct 
localities. Even among the Inca at 
Cuzco there was at least one ayllu 
with the name of a locality, the 
11 Ayllu Tome-Bamba ,J (from Tumi- 
pampa, in Ecuador), and said to have 
descended from Huayna Capac (Diego 
Fernandez: Primera y Segunda Parte 
de la Ristoria del Peru, 1571, reprint 
of 1876, at Lima, p. 358). Garcilasso 
de la Vega, in Comentarios, I, fol. 263, 
confirms. In the Description de la 
tierra del Eepartimiento de los Euca- 
nas Antamarcas, of 1586 (Eel. geo- 
grdficas, etc., II, p. 198), it is stated: 
1 ' Primeramente, se responde al primer 
capitulo, que esta provincia 6 reparti- 
miento tiene por nombre Eucanas 
Antamarcas, de un pueblo llamado 
asi, a donde estaban poblados en 
tiempo de su gentilidad un ayllo 6 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 145 



pareialidad que ahora se dice asimismo 
Antamarcas, y estan reducidos en otro 
pueblo que se dice La Vera Cruz 
de Cauana; y Puesto que en este 
nombre de Antamarcas Eucanas se 
comprehenden todos los indios deste 
repartimiento y provincia, hay en ella 
cuatro ayllos 6 parcialidades, que se 
nombran asi: Antamarca, Apcara, 
Omapacha, Huehueayllo. Antamarca 
quiere decir pueblo de eobre, y no 
tienen los indios noticia por que se 
haya llamado asi; Eucana quiere decir 
dedo; Apcara quiere decir fortaleza, y 
por ser el pueblo cercado de pared 
y f oso se quedo con este nombre . . . ; 
Omapacha, que es otra pareialidad, 
quiere decir, en lengua antigua de los 
propios indios particular, tierra de 
aguas, " etc. "We have in this in- 
stance indications of three changes 
among the ayllus of the district of the 
Antamarcas — change in locality since 
the conquest; change of name, from 
the original Aymara to the Quichua, 
probably in three cases. Omapacha is 
half Aymara, half Quichua. The in- 
terpretation by Espada in note (a) 
has no basis; hence a combination of 
two languages in one and the same 
word. 

At some future day I hope to be 
able to present more concrete data 
relative to the ayllu in Peru and Bo- 
livia. Suffice it to say here, that the 
ayllu is 'the elan, modified in its fea- 
tures by time and contact with Euro- 
pean elements. But I cannot refrain 
from quoting, on the subject of origin, 
a high authority, Father Pablo Joseph 
Arriaga, S.J. : Extirpation de la 
Ydolatria del Pirv, Lima, 1621, Cap. 
vn, p. 40 : i ' No saben, que procedemos 
todos de nuestros primeros padres, y 
assi estan persuadidos no solo que los 
Espanoles proceden de vn principio, y 
los negros de otro, sino que cada Ayllo, 
y pareialidad de los Yndios tiene su 
principio, y Pacarina, que ellos llaman 
particular, y la nombran, y la adoran, 
y ofrecen saerificios; llamandola Ca- 
mac, que es criador, y cada vno dize 



que tiene su Criador, vnos dizen, que 
tal Cerro, otros que tal fuente, otros 
quentan de sus Pacarinas muchas 
fabulas, y patranas. " The Quichua 
Pacarina is, in substance, the same as 
the Machula; and the Achachila of 
the Aymara. (Cap. n, p. 12.) "Alas 
Pacarinas, que es de donde ellos dicen 
que descienden, reverencian tambien. 
Que como no tienen fe, ni conoci- 
miento de su primer origen de nues- 
tros primeros padres Adan y Eva, 
tienen en este punto muchos errores, 
y todos especialmente las cabezas de 
Ayllos saben, y nombran sus Paca- 
rinas. " At an early day this belief 
in descent of the clans from localities 
is mentioned. I quote, for example, 
Juan de Betanzos: Suma y Narration 
de los Incas, 1551, Madrid, 1880, p. 5 : 
Cristobal de Molina (translation by 
Markham in Haclcluyt Society Publi- 
cations, original at Lima) : An account 
of the Fables and Bites of the Incas, 
pp. 4 to 9. While descent or origin 
of the Ayllu is placed at specific locali- 
ties, it is clear that it is attributed 
to certain objects, animate or inani- 
mate, situated at the places men- 
tioned. 

71 The election of alcaldes about the 
first of January was instituted in the 
vice-royalty of Peru by Don Fran- 
cisco de Toledo in 1575. Ordenanzas 
del Peru, Vol. I, Lib. n, fol. 125: 
"Que el dia de ano nuevo se junten 
para la election." 

72 Properly ' ' hilacata. ' ' The word 
alcalde is, of course, Spanish. The 
office is not, as represented in some 
sources, an "Inca" institution. 

73 Carta de los principales de Sica- 
sica d la Comunidad de Callapa, May, 
1781, Archivo boliviano, Documentos, 
p. 205; also Informe of Fray Matias 
Borda, p. 220. 

74 The alcalde is not a survival of 
the "cacique." The latter office was 
abolished by decree of Bolivar, July 4, 
1825. In early times, when the office 
of alcalde was first established among 
the Indians, he was in fact the chief 



146 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



police commissioner of the pueblo. 
Ordenanzas para los Indios, by the 
viceroy Toledo (Ordenanzas del Peru, 
Lib. II, Tit. I and II, fol. 125 to 134). 
This implies the military command in 
case of war, among the Indians, so 
that the alcalde is in reality the war- 
chief of his tribe. 

75 It is hardly the place to enter 
into a discussion of the customs of 
succession and inheritance which are 
so decisive in regard to the question 
of endogamous and exogamous mar- 
riage. Evidences in favor of exogamy 
are numerous among older sources. 
Even the Cuzco Indians (the Inca) 
seem, as I shall establish elsewhere, 
to have had descent in the female 
line. I limit myself to quoting from 
the Ordinances of Toledo (Ordenanzas 
del Peru, Lib. II, Tit. ix, fol. 144) : 
' ' Primeramente, porq entre los indios 
se acostumbra que cuando la India de 
vn Ayllo, 6 repartimiento se casa con 
Indio de otro repartimiento, 6 Ayllo, 
y el marido se muere dexando hijos 6 
hijas, los Caciques Principales cuya 
era la India antes que se casase la 
compelen a, bolver al repartimiento, 
y Ayllo adonde era antes, y llevar 
consigo los hijos que huvo del marido. 
Ordeno, y mando, que a India de vn 
repartimiento, parcialidad, y Ayllo 
que se casare con Indio de otro, dexen 
los hijos que en ella huviere havido su 
marido en el repartimiento, parciali- 
dad, y Ayllo donde su padre era tribu- 
tario, porque alii le han de ser ellos, 
y ella se passe a su repartimiento, 6 
Ayllo, si sus Caziques, 6 Principales 
la pidieren dexandola estar algun 
tiempo con sus hijos hasta que el 
menor dellos sea de edad de ocho 
anos para arriba, porque no les haga 
f alta su ausencia al tiempo antes. ' ' 
The title of this section is still more 
conclusive: "Que los hijos sigan y 
reconozcan el Ayllo, y Parcialidad de 
su Padre y no el de la Madre. " It 
proves that marriage was exogamous, 
and also, that succession in the male 
line was a change introduced by 



Spanish legislation at the end of the 
sixteenth century. Whenever a con- 
quering people, by laws or decrees, 
explicitly either sanctions or abro- 
gates customs of the conquered, such 
sanction or abrogation is the best evi- 
dence of the existence of such customs, 
at the time when the change was or- 
dained. 

79 At an early day the Aymara were 
accused of unnatural vices. Cristoval 
Vaca de Castro: Carta al Emperador, 
November 24, 1542 (Cartas de Indias, 
p. 491): "En la prouineia que he 
dicho . . . que se llama del Collao . . . 
sauido como ay yndies que tienen por 
costunbre de vsar el pecado abomina- 
ble entrellos, y andan vestidos de 
abito de yndias: tengo aqui presos 
muchos; hazerse ha justicia e ponerse 
ha remedio en esto. Algunos dizen, 
en sus dichos, questan diputados para 
este abominable pecado, para los pasa- 
jeros yndios que van por aquella pro- 
uineia, porque no entiendan con las 
yndias. " There are several confirma- 
tions of this statement. Even Cieza, 
who is so decidedly partial to the In- 
dians (especially the Inca) says 
(Primer a Parte de la Cronica, Cap. ci, 
p. 442): "Destos se tiene que abor- 
recian el pecado nefando, puesto que 
dicen que algunos de los rusticos que 
andaban guardando ganado lo usaban 
seeretamente, y los que ponian en los 
templos por inducimiento del demonio, 
como ya tengo contado. " The latter 
refers to the coast people (Cap. lxiv, 
p. 416). Pizarro: Relation del Descu- 
trimiento, p. 280: "Estos indios 
destas provincias del Collao es gente 
sucia, tocan en muchos pecados abo- 
minables, andaban muchos varones en 
habitos de mugeres y en muchas idola- 
trias. " My inquiries on this point 
were always answered in the negative, 
and I never observed anything that 
led me to suspect that such a habit 
might exist at the present time. It 
certainly existed, thirteen years ago, 
among the New Mexican pueblos and 
was openly practised, in isolated 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 147 



cases, in the sixteenth century. Com- 
pare Gaspar Perez de Villagran: His- 
toric/, de la Nueva Mexico, 1610. 

To-day there exists among the 
Aymara the custom of what might be 
named a " trial year" "before mar- 
riage. That this is an ancient habit 
is proven by it being mentioned ante- 
rior to its prohibition by Spanish de- 
crees. Pedro Pizarro, who wrote 
about 1570, asserts that, previous to 
marriage, indiscriminate intercourse 
was permitted with the girls (Rela- 
tion, pp. 347 and 379). The decree 
promulgated by Toledo is conclusive 
(Ordenanzas del Peru, fol. 128, et 
seq. ) : i ' Iten, por quanto ay costumbre 
entre los Indios casi generalmente, no 
casarse sin primero averse conocido, 
tratado, 6 conversado algun tiempo, y 
hecho vida maridable entre si, como 
si verdaderamente lo fuessen, y les 
parece, que si el marido no conoce 
primero a la muger, y por el contrario, 
que despues de casados no pueden 
tener pas, contento y amistad entresi. ' ' 
It might be, that this trial-year 
is preceded by some provisional 
ceremony, but the marriage after 
primitive custom takes place at the 
expiration of the twelve months. 
That the trial year is what I have 
called it, remains proven by the fact 
that, at its close, the parties may yet 
separate and the fact of temporary 
union is not binding upon either party. 
If they continue, however, to live to- 
gether as man and wife, without hav- 
ing their primitive and the church 
ceremonials performed, they are looked 
upon as transgressors. The Constitu- 
ciones synodales del Argobispado de 
los Reyes, en el Perv, 1613, reprint of 
1722, p. 79, Lib. IIII, Cap. vi, fol. 79, 
ordain: "Porque el Demonio ha intro- 
ducido entre los Yndios, q quando 
tratan de casarse con alguna India se 
amaneeban primero con ella, viviendo 
en ofensa, . . . ; Mandamos: que los 
Curas, muy de ordinario en sus ser- 
mones, les exorten y amonesten ser 
abuso y grave pecado lo que hazen y 



que averiguen quienes son culpados en 
ello, y la tal averiguacion la remitan 
al Uicario para que los castigue. " 
Arriaga: Extirpation de la Ydolatria, 
etc., p. 34 : ' ' Otro abuso es muy comun 
entre todos los Yndios oy en dia, que 
antes de casarse, se an de conocer 
primero, y juntarse algunas vezes, y 
assi es caso muy raro, el casarse, sino 
es, primero, Tincunacuspa, como ellos 
dizen, y estar tan assentados en este 
engano, que pidiendome en vn pueblo, 
por donde passava, vn Yndio, que le 
casase con vna Yndia con quien estava 
eoncertado de casarse, vn hermano de 
ella lo contradecia grandemente, y no 
dava otra causa, sino que nunea se 
auian conocido, ni juntadose, y de 
otro Yndio se yo que aviendose casado 
no podia ver a su muger, y le dava 
mala vida, por que dixo que era de 
mala condicion, pues nadie la avia 
querido ni conocido antes que se 
casase. ' ' 

77 Arriaga : Extirpation, Cap. vi, 
p. 32. 

78 The description of mortuary cus- 
toms by Cieza (Primera Parte, Cap. 
c, p. 443) presents a distorted picture, 
from insufficient observation, the 
writer merely passing through the 
Collao, in 1549. The Relation de los 
Pacajes, 1586, (Rel. geogrdf. II, p. 
61) : "Y al difunto le enterraban con 
los me j ores vestidos y ofrecian mucha 
comida y Azua . . ." Arriaga, Ex- 
tirpation, Cap. vi, p. 34: "Hechanles 
muy disimuladamente chicha en la 
sepultura, porque bevan, y muy al 
descubierto cuando les hazen las hon- 
ras, eomidas cocidas, y assadas sobre 
la sepultura, para que coman. . . ." 
The Lieenciado Fernando de Santillan 
(Relation del Origen, Descendencia, 
Politica y Gobierno de los Incas, date 
about 1565, Madrid, 1879, in Tres Re- 
laciones de Antigiiedades peruanas, 
p. 35) affirms it to have been a gen- 
eral custom : ' ' Tenian y creian tam- 
bien que los muertos han de resucitar 
con sus cuerpos y volver a poseer lo 
que dejaron, y por eso lo mandaban 



148 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



eehar consigo en las huacas, y los 
ponian a los muertos todo lo mejor 
que tenian, ' ' etc. The broom may be 
a modern substitute for a weapon. 

79 Arriaga, Extirpation, p. 34 : * ' Es- 
parcen en algunas partes harina de 
Maiz, o de Quinua por la casa, para 
ver como ellos dizen si buelve el di- 
funto, por las pisadas, que a de dexar 
sefialadas en la harina. ,, 

80 Final Eeport, I, p. 208 et seq. 

81 This is clearly shown in the Libro 
de Cassados, of Tiaguanaco (MSS.). 

82 Relation de la Provincia de los 
Pacajes, p. 59 : ' ' Y el dia de hoy van 
a Potosi y a, otras partes, como son las 
Yungas, donde se coge la Coca y hacen 
otros muchos servicios que no hacian 
entonces. " (P. 61.) "Las casas de 
lot caciques y tambos usaron largas y 
cuadradas, y la madera traian de los 
Yungas. " Description y Relation de 
la Ciudad de La Paz, 1586 (Bel. geo- 
grdf. II, p. 78): "Entran en los 
valles calientes, asi donde se da maiz 
como coca, trigo y demas cosas que 
tengo referidas, y traen del ganado 
que tienen, que son los carneros desta 
tierra, y lana dellos y vestidos que 
desta lana hacen y la sal que hay en 
su tierra, y con esta compran haciendo 
trueque del maiz y la coca y demas 
cosas que en su tierra f altan. ' ' 

83 Vol. V, 1895, first quarter, p. 120. 

84 We offered quite a reasonable 
amount of money at Sampaya for the 
privilege of seeing and copying one of 
these pietographs drawn on sheepskin, 
but in vain. I. I. von Tschudi (Rei- 
sen durch Siid-Amerika, 1869, Vol. V, 
p. 314) gives a facsimile of one of 
these Catechisms, which he found at 
Copacavana, adding an explanation. 

85 And also sent two to the Museum. 
For the use of a knotted string (in an 
analogous manner as the New Mexican 
Indians used it in 1680 in order to in- 
form all the pueblos of the date fixed 
for 'the uprising against the Spaniards) 
by the Aymara, at Copocavana in 1781, 
see Fray Matias Borda : Informe (Ar- 
chivo boliviano, p. 206). The Indian 



messenger from Tiquina carried a cord 
or string with a knot in it— "y el 
citado nudo, desatado que fuese, tam- 
bien significaria una especie de carta 
6 auto cerrado, que el solo tenia la 
f acultad de abrir, 6 desatar . . . ' ' As 
soon as the knot was untied, the In- 
dians attacked the Sanctuary (p. 211). 

86 In primitive times the two meals 
were quite regular. Cobo: Historia 
del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 174: "Co- 
mian dos vezes al dia, a las ocho 6 
nueve de la mafiana, y a la tarde, con 
una 6 dos horas del sol." 

87 The use of coca as medium of 
exchange is already mentioned in the 
sixteenth century. Garcilasso de la 
Vega: Comentarios, I, fol. 213: "Ade- 
lante diremos como la lleuan a Potosi, 
y tratan y contratan con ella. " Also 
Relation de los Pacajes, p. 63: "Y 
asi el trato principal que hay en esta 
provincia entre los indios y espanoles, 
es rescatar Coca por carneros y comida 
que les llevan. " 

^Bishop Vicente de Valverde: 
Carta al Emperador sobre asuntos de 
su iglesia y otros de la gobernacion 
general de aquel pais, in Doc. de In- 
dias, III, p. 98: "Coca . . . , y vale en 
esta tierra a peso de oro y es la prin- 
cipal renta de los diezmos. " The 
date of this letter is, Cuzco, March 20, 
1539. The use of coca (mastication 
of the leaves, especially) was much 
more general in South and Central 
America than is usually believed. It 
extended from Nicaragua southward. 
Oviedo: Historia, Vol. I, p. 206: "De 
la hierva que los indios de Nicaragua 
Ilaman yaat, e en la gobernacion de 
Venezuela se dice hado, y en el Peru 
la Ilaman coca, e en otras partes la 
nombran por otros nombres diversos, 
porque son las lenguas dif erentes. ' ' 
In Colombia its use was common 
(Ibidem, II, p. 390). Lucas Fernan- 
dez de Piedrahita: Historia general 
de las Conquistas del Nvevo Reyno de 
Granada, 1688, p. 20. "Porque lo 
mas de la noche gastaban en mascar 
Hayo, que es la yerva, que en el Peril 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 149 



llaman Coca, y son ciertas hojas eomo 
las del Zumaque. " Antonio Julian: 
La Perla de la America, Madrid, 1787, 
p. 25 et seq. Cieza (Primera Parte, 
p. 440), while inclining to the belief 
that the coca was specially reserved 
for the high chiefs and the worship 
of the Inca tribe at Cuzco, says 
nevertheless: "En el Peru en todo se 
uso y usa traer esta coca en la boca, y 
desde la manana hasta que se van 
a dormir la traen, sin la echar della." 
Pedro Pizarro: Relation, p. 270: "a 
otros hacer coger coca, que era una 
yerba quellos traian en la boca muy 
presciada y con que hacian todos sus 
sacrificios e idolatrias . . . Tenianla en 
mucho porque usaban della los Sefiores 
y a quien ellos la daban, y no comun- 
mente ..." This would indicate that 
coca and its use were a privilege of a 
certain class. Its character as an ob- 
ject for sacrifice and its rarity at 
Cuzco may have given it that appear- 
ance, its use (as the above quotations 
show) was free and general. Santi- 
llan: Relation, p. 116: "En tiempo 
del inga eran muy pocas las chacaras 
[of coca]." 

89 1 shall refer to that tradition 
further on. 

90 In 1781, the horrible massacres 
perpetrated inside of the churches, and 
repeated at Ayo-ayo and Mohoza in 
1899, show how little, at heart, the 
Aymara cares for the Christian re- 
ligion. 

91 Pinal Report, I, p. 222. 

92 The term Pachacamac we heard 
at Tiahuanaeo. It is a Quichua im- 
portation and rarely used by the 
Aymara. 

93 These terms are post-conquistorial, 
but they show the Indian's ideas on 
these points. Arriaga {Extirpation, 
Cap. vi, p. 33) gives an illustration of 
how they made use of the Apostle 
Santiago to incorporate him in their 
own circle of spiritual beings: "En el 
nombre de Santiago tienen tambien 
supersticion y suelen dar este nombre 
al vno de los Chuchus [twins] como a 



hijos del rayo que suelen llamar San- 
tiago. No entiendo que sera por el 
nombre Boanerges, que les pusso al 
Apostol Santiago, y a su hermano 
S:Juan Christo nuestro Senor, llaman- 
doles Eayos, que esto quiere dezir hijos 
del trueno, segun la f rase Hebrea, sino 
6 porque se avra estendido por aea la 
frasse, o conseja de los muehachos de 
Espana, que quando truena, dizen que 
corre cavallo de Santiago, 6 porque 
veran, que en las guerras que tenian 
los Espanoles, quando querian disparar 
los Arcabuzes, que los Yndios llaman 
Yllapa, o Eayo, apellidavan primero 
Santiago, Santiago. ' ' A very instruc- 
tive incident is related by the same 
authority (Cap. xm, p. 79): "El 
octavo, de la intercession de Jos San- 
tos, y adoracion de las imagenes, 
porque ellos dizen que son nuestras 
Huacas, y tienen aeerca de esto algu- 
nas vezes, como en otras cosas, muchas 
ignorancias.— Como sucedio en vn 
pueblo, donde avia quatro imagenes de 
Santos, y muy buenas de la vocacion 
de quatro Cofradias, y se averiguo, 
que algunos no se encomendavan a 
aquellos Santos, ni les hazian oracion, 
porque dezian, que aquellos Santos, ya 
eran suyos, y ellos los avian comprado, 
y assi ivan a otro pueblo a visitar 
otros Santos, por las razones contra- 
rias. ' ' 

"The "Pu-tu-tu" is also used dur- 
ing a lunar eclipse and, in general, as 
a signal of warning in any occurrence 
or phenomenon that inspires awe or 
fear to the Indian of Bolivia. We 
had no almanac at Challa and none 
could be procured far or near, so we 
were not aware beforehand of the 
lunar eclipse of March 10, 1895, and 
could not witness the ceremonials 
which the Indians may have per- 
formed, but the sound of the pututu 
disturbed us. Shouting and beating 
of drums, conch-shells and trumpets 
of clay and copper, etc., took the 
place of the cow-horn in primitive 
times. So in the case of eclipses. Ar- 
riaga: Extirpation, Cap. vi, p. 38: 



150 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



"Lo que vsavan antiguamente en los 
Elipses de la Luna, que Hainan Qui- 
llamhuanuun la Luna se muere, o 
Quilla Tutayan, la Luna se eseurece 
vsan tambien aora, acotando los per- 
ros, tocando tambores, y dando gritos 
por todo el pueblo, para que resucite 
la luna . . . tocauan trompetas, cor- 
Comentarios, fol. 48: "Al eclypse de 
la luna . . . tocauan trompetas, eor- 
netas, caracoles, atabales, y atambores, 
y quantos instrumentos podian auer 
que hiziessen ruydo; atauan los perros 
grandes y chicos, dauanles muchos 
palos para que aullassen, y llamassen 
la luna. ' ' 

Supay is a Quichua term for evil 
spirits collectively, but any demon or 
fiend is Supay also. As little as the 
Indians had any conception of a su- 
preme God, as little did they have a 
notion of a supreme devil. 

95 1 cannot find this word in Ber- 
tonio. 

9t Zuni Fetiches, p. 9. 

87 It would carry me entirely too 
far, were I to enter into a discussion 
of this question. That both sun and 
moon were looked upon as created be- 
ings results from every tradition or 
so-called creation myth as reported in 
the sixteenth century. Compare, for 
instance, Cieza: Segunda Parte de la 
Cronica del Peru, Cap. v, pp. a and 6, 
and Cap. xxx, p. 119; Betanzos: 
Suma y Narration, Cap. I, pp. 1 and 2 ; 
Santillan : Belacion, p. 13 ; Relation de 
las costumbres antiguas de los Natu- 
rales del Piru, of about 1615, and 
anonymous j Tres Belaciones de An- 
tigiiedades peruanas, p. 138; Garci- 
lasso de la Vega: Comentarios, I, Lib. 
ii, fol. 25. It was not the orbs to 
which a certain worship was offered, 
but to the spiritual beings that dwelt 
in them, to the Achachilas, Machulas 
or Paearinas believed to reside both 
in the sun and the moon. Sun-wor- 
ship, so-called, was by no means gen- 
eral, but limited to the Inca of Cuzco. 
Neither did these look upon the sun 
as the supreme God. It was one of 



the fetishes most applied to, but not 
for everything. In this respect the 
list of places of worship or shrines, 
at Cuzco and surroundings, given by 
Cobo (Historia, IV, pp. 7 to 47) is 
very instructive. Arriaga {Extirpa- 
tion, Cap. ii, p. 11) states: "En 
muchas partes (especialmente de la 
sierra) adoran al Sol, con nombre de 
Punchao, que significa el dia, y tam- 
bien debajo de su propio nombre 
Ynti.— -Y tabien a la Luna, que es 
Quilla ... El adorar estas cosas no 
es todos los dias, sino el tiempo sena- 
lado para hacerlas fiestas, y cuando se 
ven en alguna necesidad 6 enfermedad, 
6 han de hacer algun camino, levantan 
las manos, y se tiran las cejas, y las 
soplan hacia arriba, hablando con el 
Sol 6 eon Libiac, llamandole su Hace- 
dor, y su criador y pidiendo que le 
ayude. " Pedro Pizarro was eye-wit- 
ness of the ceremonials at Cuzco, and 
states that they were performed daily 
in the square, not only to the sun, but 
to the bodies of their dead chiefs 
(Belacion, p. 264). 

It may not be inappropriate to add 
here that Pedro Gutierrez de Santa 
Clara (Historia de las Guerras ciuiles 
del Peru, III, Cap. lvi, p. 486) states: 
' ' En toda esta tierra, tamano como es, 
que los Ingas senores auian, y todos 
los yndios que en ella habitauan, ado- 
rauan dos dioses, que el vno se dezia 
Cons y el otro Pachacama, como a 
dioses principales; y por acessores 
tenian al Sol y a la Luna (diciendo) 
que eran marido y muger y que estos 
eran multiplicadores de toda la tierra ; 
bien es verdad que Cons y Pachacama 
hazian estas operaciones, mas que no 
los vian, y a estos dos si, cada dia y 
cada noche. " This might (if true) 
recall the ' ' sun-father " and "moon- 
mother" of the New Mexico pueblos! 

88 While both sun and moon are 
' ' Achachilas, ' ' among the Aymara, 
the fetishes chiefly applied to were 
(and are) the tall peaks of the An- 
des. This was also the case in those 
sections of Peru where the snowy 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 151 



mountains are of great height and 
striking appearance. Also in Ecuador. 
Relation hecha por mi, Fray Geronimo 
de Aguilar, de la Dotrina y Pueblo de 
Caguasqui y Quilca, etc., 1582, in Eel. 
geogrdficas, III, p. 126: "Los ritos y 
ceremonias que tenian estos naturales 
y los de Quilca en el tiempo de su 
infidelidad, adoraban al cielo y a los 
cerros mas altos y nevosos; hacian 
sacrificio de maiz bianco," etc. Fray 
Juan de Paz Maldonado : Relation del 
Pueblo de Sant- Andres Xunxi (no 
date, but from the latter part of the 
sixteenth century), Ibidem, p. 151: 
"El dicho volcan del Chimborazo esta 
deste pueblo una legua y media; salen 
del tres 6 cuatro arroyos de agua que 
llevan diferentes vias. Y alrededor 
del, al pie de la nieve, hay hoy dia 
algunos edificios caidos, donde acudia 
toda la tierra alrededor a ofrecer . . . 
Dicen los indios que el volcan del 
Chimborazo, es el varon, y el de Tun- 
guragua es la hembra, y que se comu- 
nican yendo Chimborazo a ver a su 
muger y la muger al marido, y que 
tienen sus ayuntamientos . . . En lo 
que adoran es en el Sol y en la Luna 
y en estos dichos dos volcanes. " An- 
tonio Bello Gayoso : Relation que enbio 
a mandar su Magestad se hiziese desta 
Ciudad de Cuenca y de toda su Pro- 
vincia, 1581, Ibidem, p. 179: "Adora- 
ban al sol y la luna, y en particular 
algunos adoraban en las lagunas y en 
cerros senalados. " 

Similar testimony could be adduced 
from almost every part of Peru, but 
it would be too voluminous. The ques- 
tion is as to the Inca of Cuzco, and 
in this respect the writings of Cristo- 
val de Molina (Fables and Rites of 
the Incas) are very interesting. Like 
Pedro Pizarro (note 96), he states 
that the fetishes of the sun, of thunder 
and lightning, were always worshiped 
together (pp. 16, 20, 21, 24, etc.), at 
least in the public square. Cieza 
(Segunda Parte, p. 40) professes to 
give the approximate text of an invo- 
cation, in which the head-chief was 



addressed as follows: "Oh Inca 
grande y poderoso, el Sol y la Luna, 
la Tierra, los montes y los arboles, las 
piedras y tus padres te guarden de 
inf ortunio y hagan prospero, ' ' etc. 
The Relation de las costumbres an- 
tiguas de los naturales del Piru, pp. 137 
to 140, although not very reliable, 
should also be considered. Even Gar- 
cilasso de la Vega involuntarily admits 
that the Inca worshiped innumerable 
fetishes. Comentarios I, fol. 75: 
"Vno de los principales idolos q los 
Eeyes Incas y sus vasallos tuuieron, 
fue la Imperial ciudad el Cozco, q la 
adorauan los Yndios como cosa sa- 
grada. " Besides the sun (to which 
he of course assigns the first place), 
he mentions (fol. 76 et seq.) the 
fetishes of the moon and of several 
stars, of thunder and lightning, and 
of the rainbow. Finally he gives an 
explanation of the term "huaca" that 
is exactly the Achachila cult as we 
found it among the Aymara (fols. 29 
and 30). He says: "las muchas, y 
diuersas significaciones que tiene este 
nombre Huaca: el qual . . . quiere 
dezir ydolo, como Jupiter, Marte, 
Venus." It would be too long to 
quote the remainder of Chapter iv, 
Book II, in which he enumerates the 
manifold objects to which the name 
was given. The clearest and most 
positive statement, however, is found 
in Arriaga: Extirpation, Cap. n, but 
it is also too lengthy to be incorpo- 
rated here. 

The fact that the Aymara of the 
Bolivian Puna and Lake basin re- 
garded as their principal fetishes the 
summits (strongly individualized) of 
the Andes, repeatedly mentioned (Des- 
cription y Relation de la Ciudad de 
La Pas, p. 71) : "Hay otra adoracion 
que se llama Hillemanna [Illimani, 
properly Hilaumani], ques una sierra 
alta cubierta de nieves que perpetua- 
mente se hacen, " etc. Speaking of 
the Indians of Pucarani, a village 
situated south of the Lake and be- 
tween it and La Paz, Fray Antonio 



152 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



de la Calancha (Coronica Moralizada, 
I, Lib. nil, Cap. xm, p. 867) says: 
' ' Los Idolos que adorauan estos Indios 
eran los fronterizos cerros nevados, 
dando mas adoracion al que tenia mas 
alteza. En los que gastavan mas sa- 
crifices, i estremavan el culto era en el 
cerro Illimani Cullcachata, i en el mas 
frontero del pueblo llamado Caeaaca, 
este por ser muy eminente i estar 
siempre nevado, fue muy venerado de 
todos los desta provincia de Omasuyo, 
en estos cerros les dava respuestas el 
Demonio, i eran continuos sus oracu- 
los. " Omasuyos is the district to 
which Copacavana pertained and per- 
tains to-day, hence the statements of 
Calancha apply directly to the Indians 
of the Islands. I would also observe 
that on the Island we heard the name 
Illimani applied to the peaks of So- 
rata! They are certainly the most 
prominent points of the Cordillera as 
seen from Titicaea and especially from 
Koati, whereas Illimani is only visible 
at a few points and at a great dis- 
tance. The Karka-Jaque (Ka-Ka- 
a-Ka, or Huayna Potosi) is quite 
prominent also, though not as much as 
the Hanko-Uma (Illampu) and 
Hilampi (Hanko-Kunu), the twin 
peaks of the Sorata chain. From 
statements by Miguel Cabello de Bal- 
boa (Misceldnea anthartica, 1586, 
MSS., at the Lenox Branch, New York 
Public Library) and F. Eamos Gavilan 
(Historia del celebre y milagroso San- 
tuario de la Ynsigne Ymagen de Nfa 
Sfd de Copacavana, Lima, 1621, Cap. 
n), it might be inferred that the 
adoption, by the Inca, of the sun- 
father as a superior fetish, occurred 
about four or five centuries previous 
to the conquest. I hope to treat this 
matter in a special paper. 

99 Called ' ' sullu ' ' in current speech. 
The proper signification is the fetus 
of an abortion. Bertonio: Vocabula- 
rio, II, p. 327: "Abortino, mal pa- 
rido. " In Quichua it is clearer yet. 
Torres Eubio: Arte y Vocabulario, 
fol. 100: "Cosa abortada." The use 



of the sullu of a pig is, of course, 
post-conquistorial. 

100 Called ' ' untu. } ' A common offer- 
ing in primitive times. Arriaga: Ex- 
tirpation, Cap. iv, p. 26; "Bira, que 
es sebo de los Carneros de la tierra 
es tambien ofrenda. " "Blra," or 
' l vira, ' ' is the Quichua term. 

101 They use the term ' ' ahuilita, ' ' 
from the Spanish ' ' abuelita. ' ' Also 
sometimes ' ' ahuichu. ' ' 

102 rp^ translation of these invoca- 
tions is not literal. 

103 Eamos : Historia, p. 72, edition of 
1860: "Era costumbre muy comun 
entre estas gentes el juntar a los ago- 
reros, para que despues de tomar su 
chicha, coca y otras necedades, desig- 
nasen el lugar y la figura de la casa 
6 choza que pensaban hacer. Miraban 
al aire, escuchaban pajaros, como arus- 
pices, invocaban a sus lares 6 al de- 
monio, con cantares tristes, al son de 
tamboriles destemplados : y pronosti- 
cando el buen 6 mal suceso empezaban 
la construccion, poniendo a veces coca 
maseada en el cimiento y sus asperjeos 
de chicha . . . Atin ahora no han aca- 
bado de perder esas abusiones al f abri- 
car sus casitas; pues siempre auguran 
a su modo, echan su chicha 6 aguar- 
diente por los rincones, f este j an su 
conclusion con regular borrachera y 
sus consecuencias. ' ' Arriaga, Extir- 
pation, p. 37: "En hazer sus Casas 
tienen como en to das las demas cosas 
muchas supersticiones, combidando de 
ordinario a los de su Ayllo, rocian con 
chicha los cimientos como of reciendola, 
y sacrificandola para que no se caigan 
las paredes, y despues de hecha la casa 
tambien la asperjan con la misma 
chicha. ' ' See also : Villagomez : Carta 
pastoral de Exortacion e instruction 
contra las Idolatrias de los indios del 
Argobispado de Lima, 1641, fol. 47. 
He copies Arriaga textually. 

104 Arriaga, Extirpation, Cap. n, p. 
11: "A Mamapacha, que es la tierra 
tambien reverencian especialmente las 
mujeres, al tiempo, que han de sem- 
brar, y hablan con ella diciendo que 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 153 



les de buena cosecha, y derraman por 
eso chicha, y maiz molido, 6 por su 
mano, 6 por medio de los hechizeros. ' ' 
Villagomez: Exortacion, p. 39. Fer- 
nando de Santillan: Relation del Ori- 
gen Descendencia, etc., p. 31: "El 
sacrificio que hacian a la tierra no era 
tan ordinario ni en tanta cantidad. 
Cuando eaian malos, en aquel lugar 
decian que la tierra estaba enojada, y 
derramaban chicha y quemaban ropa 
para aplacarla. Tenian a la tierra por 
especial abogada de las mujeres que 
estan de parto, y cuando habian de 
parir, le hacian sacrificios. ' ' Polo de 
Ondegardo: Relation de los funda- 
ment os acerca del notable dano que 
resulta de no guardar a los indios sus 
fueros, June 26, 1571 (Doc. de Indias, 
XVII, p. 83) : "e otros que la hiciesen 
al Pachamama para que justificase la 
tierra al tiempo que se sembrava. ' ' 

105 Chiefly the bear. The present 
shape of the fetish in Bolivia — a cow 
or bull — is, of course, modern. 

106 This squatting posture of the In- 
dians is well described by Cobo: Eis- 
toria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 174. 

107 Quintal is of course a Spanish 
word. The Indians use it, in their 
incantations, to designate any very 
large quantity, undetermined. 

108 The incantation took place on 
the night of January 27, 1895, after 
ten o 'clock. 

In times anterior to the arrival of 
the Spaniards it was also the custom, 
when the food offered to the idols was 
burned, for those present to remain 
motionless, with heads bowed, so as 
not to see the process believed to go 
on— that of eating, by the spirits. 
Pedro Pizarro (Relation del Descu- 
brimiento, p. 265) describes as follows 
the ceremonial attending the offering 
to a fetish which he calls that of the 
sun: "un bulto pequeno tapado que 
decian que era et Sol."— "Al Sol 
tenian puesto en mitad de la plaza 
un escano pequeno, todo guarnecido de 
mantas de pluma muy pintadas y 
muy delicadas, y aqui ponian este 



bulto, y el un hachazo de una parte y 
el otro de la otra. Teniendo las 
hachas derechas pues, daban de comer 
a este Sol por la orden que tengo 
dicha la daban a los muertos, y de 
beber. Pues cuando quemaban la 
comida al Sol levantabase un indio y 
daba una voz que todos le oian; y oida 
la voz todos cuantos habia en la plaza 
y fuera de ella que la oian, se senta- 
ban y sin hablar ni toser ni menearse 
estaban callados hasta que se consumia 
la comida, que echaban en el fuego 
que tenian hecho, que no tardaba 
mucho por ser la lena muy seca.'.' 
This was a daily function in the 
square of Cuzco. Pizarro witnessed 
it himself, and a number of times. 
It is fundamentally the same as the 
command given to us by the shaman 
to retire while the Achachilas were 
' ' eating. ' ' 

109 The apachitas or apachetas (also 
written apachectas) are very common 
in the mountains, especially on moun- 
tain passes. Gareilasso says of them 
(Comentarios, I, fol. 29): "y assi 
luego que auian subido la cuesta, se 
descargauan, y ahjando los ojos al 
cielo, y baxandolos al suelo, y ha- 
ziendo las mismas ostentaciones de ado- 
racion, que atras diximos para nobrar al 
Pachacamac, repetian dos tres vezes 
el datiuo Apachecta, y en ofrenda se 
tirauan de las cejas, y que arancassen 
algun pelo, 6 no, lo soplauan hazia el 
cielo, y echauan la yerua llamada 
Cuca que lleuauan en la boca, que 
ellos tanto prescian, como diziendo 
que le ofrescian lo mas presciado que 
lleuauan, y a mas no poder, ni tener 
otra eosa mayor, ofrescian algun 
palillo, 6 algunas pajuelas, si las ha- 
llauan por alii cecca, y no las ha- 
llando, ofrescian algun guijarro, y 
donde no lo auia, echauan vn pufiado 
de tierra, y destas ofrendas auia 
grandes montones en las cumbres de 
las cuestas. " Arriaga: Extirpation, 
p. 37: "Cosa muy vsada era antigua- 
mente, y aora no lo es menos, quando 
suben algunas cuestas o Cerros, o se 



154 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



cansan en el camino, Uegando a alguna 
piedra grande, que tienen ya senalada 
para este efecto, escupir sobre ella (y 
por esso llaman a esta piedra, y a 
esta ceremonia Tocanca) Coca, 6 maiz 
mascado otras vezes dexan alii las 
vjutas, 6 calgado viejo, o la Huaraca 
6 vnas soguillas, o manoxillos de 
hicho, o paxa, o ponen otras piedras 
pequefias encima, y con esto dizen, 
que se les quita el cansancio. A estos 
montoncillos de piedra suelen llamar, 
corrompiendo el vocablo, Apachitas, 
y dizen algunos, que los adoran, y no 
son sino las piedras que an ido amon- 
tonando con esta supersticion, ofre- 
ciendoles a quien les quita el can- 
sancio y le ayuda a llevar la carga 
que esso es Apacheta ..." The 
apachetas, therefore, are accumula- 
tions of prayer offerings made to a 
spirit supposed to reside at the place 
where they are raised. 

no jf j frequently allude to such 
analogies, it is without the slightest 
idea of tracing relationships. Similar- 
ity or even identity of customs is not 
sufficient to prove original connection. 

111 This belief, common to the 
Aymara of Bolivia, also existed, and 
probably exists to-day, among the 
Quichua. Garcilasso: Comentarios (I, 
fol. 77): "Llaman al arco Cuychu, 
y con tenerlo en esta veneracion, 
quando le veyan en el ayre, cerrauan 
la boca, y ponian la mano delante, 
porque dezian, que si le descubrian 
los dientes, los gastauan y empodre- 
cian." Cobo: Historia (IV, p. 149) : 
"Tambien tenian por mal agiiero y 
que era para morir 6 para algun otro 
dano grave, cuando vian el Arco del 
Cielo, y a veces por buen pronostico. 
Eeverenciabanlo mucho y no le osaban 
mirar, 6 ya que le miraban, no lo 
osaban apuntar con el dedo, enten- 
diendo que se moriran; y a aquella 
parte donde les parecia que caia el 
pie del arco, la tenian por lugar hor- 
rendo y temeroso, entendiendo que 
habia alia, alguna Guaca 6 otra cosa 
digna de temor y revereneia. ' ' 



112 The Achachilas are also the ' ' pac- 
carinas" or ancestors of ayllu and 
tribes. In regard to the New Mexico 
pueblos, compare Final Report, I, 
p. 312. 

113 The baptismal name ' ' Santiago ' ' 
so common in Mexico and New 
Mexico, is seldom met in Bolivia 
among Indians, whereas Diego is 
heard very frequently. See Arriaga: 
Extirpation, p. 33; Idem: Constitu- 
ciones que dexa el visitador en los 
pueblos, p. 130. 

114 This is a very ancient belief and 
connected with some of the earliest 
myths. 

115 Zuni Fetiches, p. 9. 

118 Cobo: Historia, IV, p. 149: 
' ' Cuando oian cantar Lechuzas, Buhos 
u otras aves extranas, le tenian por mal 
agiiero y presagio de su muerte 6 de 
la de sus hijos 6 vecinos y particular- 
mente de la de aquel en euya casa 6 
lugar cantaban 6 aullaban. " About 
the use made of the owl to-day for cer- 
tain Indian witchcraft practices, in- 
formation will be imparted in a subse- 
quent work. 

117 Cobo: Historia, IV, p. 149: 
"Item, cuando oian cantar al Euise- 
nor 6 al Sirguero, lo tenian por pro- 
nostico de que habian de renir con 
algunos. ' ' 

118 Sacrifices of guinea-pigs were 
common in Peru before the conquest, 
as is generally stated by earlier au- 
thors. Cieza: Segunda Parte, pp. 
116, 119; Relation de la Religion y 
Ritos del Peru, hecha por los prime- 
ros Religiosos Agustinos que alii 
pasaron para la conversion de los 
naturales, in Doc. de Indias, III, pp. 
21, 29, 30, 34, et seq.; Garcilasso: 
Comentarios, I, fol. 34. Arriaga: 
Extirpation, Cap. iv, p. 24: "El Sa- 
crificio ordinario es de Cuyes, de los 
quales se sirven mal, no solo para 
sacrificios, sino para adivinar por 
ellos, y para curar con ellos con mil 
embustes." Cap. in, p. 19: "Haca- 
ricuc, o Cuyricuc, es el que mira 
cuyes, y abriendoles con la vna adi- 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 155 



vina por ellos, mirando de que parte 
sale sangre, o que parte se menea de 
las entranas." I refrain from 
further quotations. 

119 The story of the ' ' carbuncle-cat ' ' 
on the Island is told by several au- 
thors, Augustine monks, from the be- 
ginning of the seventeenth century. 
Eamos: Eistoria de Copacabana, p. 
10: "Porque dicen los indios que en 
tiempos pasados se vio en la pefia un 
gato con gran resplendor, pasandose 
en ella ordinariamente . . . pudiera 
ser que el tal gato fuese el animal 
llamado Carbuneo, que los de Guamico 
dicen haber visto algunos de ellos por 
el resplendor que despiden de noche 
con la pledra carbuneo 6 Rubi, " etc. 
Calancha (Coro?uca Moralizada, II, Lib. 
I, Cap. n) copies textually. Fr. Andres 
de S. Nicolas (Imdgen de N:S: de 
Copacavana, fol. 26) varies somewhat 
from Eamos by stating: "se boluio a 
dexar ver en figura de gato m5tez, 
corriendo por el, y despidiendo 
f uego. ' ' Whether a titi or wildcat of 
western and northern Bolivia, such as 
occasionally infest the Peninsula of 
Copacavana, could cross the straits 
of Yamputata swimming I do not 
attempt to discuss. While the idea 
of a l ' carbuncle ' ' is certainly a Euro- 
pean modification, the story of a wild- 
cat appearing on the Sacred Rock 
appears to be primitive and might 
have, together with the cavities on the 
rock resembling cats' heads, contrib- 
uted to the name of the Island. 

120 This custom appears to be an- 
cient. Arriaga: Extirpation, Cap. ill, 
p. 196: l ' Paeharicuc, o Pachacatic, 
o Pachacuc, es otro adivino por los 
pies de vnas arafias, que llaman Pac- 
cha, y tambien Oroso, y son muy 
grandes y peludas. Quando le con- 
sultan para alguna cosa, va a buscar 
en los agugeros de las paredes, o de- 
baxo de algunas piedras, vna de estas 
arafias, cuya especie es conocida, y 
poniendola sobre una manta, o en el 
suelo, la persigue con vn palillo, hasta 
que se quiebran los pies, y luego mira 



que pies 6 manos le faltan, y por alii 
adiuina. " See also Cobo: Eistoria, 
IV, p. 134. We saw no large spiders 
on the Islands, but at Atauallani, 
close to the upper base of Illimani, a 
small Mygale was, together with cen- 
tipedes, not unfrequently taken out of 
ancient graves by my wife. 

121 In regard to rain-making it is 
evident that the ceremonials accom- 
panying it are primitive, that is, pre- 
Columbian, with some modifications 
brought about by contact (and pro- 
hibition also) since the conquest. The 
tenacity with which the Indian clung 
and clings to his original rites and 
ceremonies induces him, when these 
are to be superseded by strange ones, 
to adapt them, within limits, to the 
latter. About original practices of 
rain-making I find so far hardly any 
detailed statements except in Calan- 
cha (Coronica Moralizada, I, p. 867), 
and the directions contained in Ar- 
riaga: Extirpation, p. 86, for ques- 
tioning sorcerers: "Decimosexto: Que 
Huaca adoran para que el maiz crezca 
bien, y no se coma de gusano, de que 
lagunas traen cantaros de agua para 
rociar la chacara, y pedir lluvia, a 
que lagunas tiran piedras para que 
no se secan, y vengan lluvias. ' ' Com- 
pare also, for the practices when 
drouth had set in, and any Indian, 
male or female, was suspected of 
having prevented rain by committing 
some offense — probably evil witch- 
craft, as among the pueblos— San- 
tillan: Belacion, etc., p. 36. 

122 And one of their own, thus far 
unstudied. It may prove to be some 
dialect. 

123 1 treat more in detail of the 
Callahuaya in a subsequent volume on 
Bolivia. 

124 Munecas is inhabited, in its 
southern parts, by Aymara, in the 
north by Quichuas. The Callahuaya 
live in the village of Curva near Cha- 
rassani. 

125 Tschudi says it is Felis pardalis 
(the ocelot). Die Kechua Sprache, 



156 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



Worterouch, p. 108. Bertonio (Voca- 
oulario 1612, II, p. 383) has "Vtu- 
runcca, 1 : Vturuncco. — Tigre. ' ' 
Hence the word has, from the Quichua 
of southern Peru, penetrated into the 
northwestern Aymara. Cobo (Histo- 
ric, II, p. 339) calls the tigre 
(jaguar) uturuncu. Acosta (Historia 
natural y moral de Indias, edition of 
1608, p. 279) calls the ant-eater "oto- 
ronco. " The use of the ll uturuncu' ' 
in aboriginal medicine is ancient. 

126 Villagomez (Exortacion, fol. 41) 
says: "Aunque son raros los que 
matan con hechizos. " But Arriaga 
(Extirpation, p. 21) describes a class 
of sorcerers who killed by sucking 
the blood of the person, at night 
(vampires), and says they were nu- 
merous at his time and did a great 
deal of harm: "Dize el Cura de vn 
pueblo que pocos anos antes avian 
muerto dentro de quatro meses, mas 
de setenta muchachos de doze a diez 
y ocho anos, y de estos a vna muger 
en vna semana quatro hijos, y q aora 
que se avian descubierto estos male- 
ficios sospechava, que ellos los avian 
muerto, por que no sabia de que en- 
fermedad morian. " Cobo (Historia, 
IV, p. 151) describes an act of mal- 
feasance through witchcraft recalling 
to a certain extent the one described 
in the text: "Para que viniese a mal 
6 muriese el que aborrecian, vestian 
con su ropa y vestidos alguna estatua 
que hacian en nombre de aquella per- 
sona, y la maldeeian colgandola de 
alto y escupiendola ; y asimismo ha- 
cian estatuas pequefias de cera 6 de 
barro 6 de masa y las ponian en el 
fuego, para que alii se derritiese la 
cera, 6 se endureciese el barro y masa 
6 hiciese otros efectos que ellos pre- 
tendian, creyendo que por este modo 
quedaban vengados y hacian mal a, 
sus enemigos. " 

127 Compare sketch annexed with the 
one given by Salcamayhua: Anti- 
giiedades deste Eeyno del Piru, p. 257, 
plate. 

128 Intemperance was, and is, one of 



the worst vices of the Indians of the 
Peruvian and Bolivian mountains. It 
is almost superfluous to quote on the 
subject. I limit myself to govern- 
mental and ecclesiastic edicts issued 
against the abuse of intoxicating 
drinks (chicha especially) by the abo- 
rigines. Ordenamas del Peril, Vice- 
roy Toledo, 1575, fol. 129, Lib. II, 
Tit. ii, Ord. xviii. Constituciones 
synodales de Lima, 1613, p. 85. 
Among the cases which are not to be 
absolved in confession by priests but 
are reserved for the prelate is: "De 
los Espanoles que vendieren chicha 
de sora sola, 6 mezclada con yuca, 6 
guarapo de miel de purga del primer 
barro 6 mosto. " Constituciones syno- 
dales, 1636, p. 15, Cap. v. In primi- 
tive times every one of the numerous 
festivals was a protracted orgie (as 
it is to-day). Arriaga: Extirpation, 
p. 100: "Pues quitalles las borache- 
ras, que son las que crian, fomentan, 
y conservan las Ydolatrias. ' ' Idem, 
Constituciones, etc., p. 131. 

129 rpk e p r i m itive dances were, so to 
say, weeded out in consequence of the 
strict investigation into idolatry in 
Peru, that began at an early day and 
culminated in the methodical work 
partly directed by Arriaga in the 
early part of the seventeenth century. 
One of the results was, to eliminate 
from public displays what seemed of- 
fensive to Christian ideas and to gen- 
eral propriety. This reduced some of 
these dances, at least, to harmless 
diversions in appearance. Whether, 
in primitive times, there were dances 
that were not ritualistic, is doubtful. 
I incline to the belief that every 
choreographic performance was a 
ceremonial. Arriaga (Extirpation p. 
45) is of the same opinion: "Quando 
les avian hazer estas fiestas todos en- 
tendian, que no avia malicia en ellas, 
sino que eran sus regocijos, y dancas 
antiguas y quando mucho, que era vna 
vana supersticion, en que no avia 
mucho que reparar. " That all the 
dances were accompanied by excessive 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 157 



libations, which were also religious 
acts, is stated (p. 46) : ' ' Pero en lo 
que an tenido muchos mayor descuido, 
y remission es en consentir, y dissimu- 
lar sus boracheras, y las juntas que 
hazen para ellas, especialmente en las 
mingas, que llaman para hazer sus 
chaearas, o casas. Porque es cosa muy 
vsada hazer todo lo que hazen por via 
de comunidad. Y la vnion de estas 
juntas es siempre el bever hasta caer, 
y de tal madre, de mas de los in- 
cestos, estrupos, y otras muchas tor- 
peeas, a procedido siempre la Ydola- 
tria en los siglos pasados. ' ' We have 
not seen a single dance that was not 
symbolic, although probably only the 
medicine-men (who are always pres- 
ent, though not noticed by the simple 
spectator, since there are no exterior 
tokens by which they might be 
known) know their original signifi- 
cation. 

130 The use of plumage in dances is 
primitive; only the shape of the head- 
ornaments has changed. The hat, for 
instance, is modern. The color of the 
plumage is that of the Bolivian tri- 
color, but this is brought about also 
by the prevalence of the colors in the 
larger parrot plumes in use. 

131 Cobo (Historia, IV, pp. 228 and 
229) gives the most detailed descrip- 
tion of ancient musical instruments in 
Peru and Bolivia: "Tenian para ello 
muchos instrumentos musicos, los 
cuales nunca tocaban sino en los 
bailes y borracheras, y todos hacian 
el son poco suave, y menos artificioso, 
pues qualquiera que se pone a tocar- 
los, a la primera leccion queda maes- 
tro. El instrumento mas general es el 
atambor, que ellos llaman Huancar; 
hacianlos, grandes y pequenos, de un 
palo hueco tapado por ambos cabos 
con cuero de Llama, como pergamino 
delgado y seco. Los mayores son 
como nuestras cajas de guerra, pero 
mas largos y no tan bien hechos; los 
menores son como una cajeta pequena 
de conserva, y las medianas como 
nuestros tamborines. ' ' 



"Tocanlo con un solo palo, el cual 
a, veeas por gala esta cubierto de hilo 
de lana de diferentes colores y tam- 
bien suelen pintar y engalanar los 
atambores. Tocanlo asi hombres 
como mujeres; y hay bailes al son de 
uno solo y otros en que cada uno lleva 
su atambor pequeno, bailando y to- 
cando juntamente. Tambien usan 
cierta suerte de adufes, nombradas 
Huaneartinya ; pifano, llamado Pin- 
collo. Antara es otro genero de flauta 
corta y ancha. Quenaquena es una 
cana sola como flauta, para cantar 
endechas. Quepa es una suerte de 
trompetilla que hazen de un calabazo 
largo. Usan tambien en sus bailes 
tocar un instrumento compuesto de 
siete flautillas, poco mas 6 menos, 
puestas como canones de organos, 
juntas y desiguales, que la mayor 
sera larga de un palmo y las demas 
van descreciendo por su orden: lla- 
man a este instrumento Ayarichic, y 
tocanlo puesto sobre el labio el labio 
bajo y soplando en las dichas flauti- 
llas, con que hacen un sordo y poco 
dulce sonido. Tocan asimismo cara- 
coles y otros instrumentos de menos 
cuenta. " He further mentions rat- 
tles, of beans ("zacapa"), of copper 
and of silver ("chanrara"), and 
snails ("chum"). This list of mu- 
sical instruments is confirmed by the 
archaeological finds as well as by 
several other earlier authors. 

132 The models for these modern 
"Inea" costumes are indirectly those 
that served to Herrera: Historia ge- 
neral, etc. (title-page to fifth decade). 
Herrera copied them from the four 
aboriginal paintings made by order 
of Don Francisco de Toledo and sent 
to the King in 1572. Hence the cos- 
tumes were painted nearly forty years 
after the conquest! Informaciones 
acerca del Senorio y Gobierno de los 
Incas, published Madrid, 1882. This 
interesting document contains: La Fe 
y Testimonio que va puesta en los 
cuatro panos; de la verificacion que 
se liizo con los Indios, de la pintura 



158 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



e Mstoria Dellos, p. 250. "Por lo 
cual, todos y cada uno dellos dijeron 
que todo lo que esta, escripto y pintado 
en los dichos euatro paiios, asi en los 
bultos de los Ingas como en las me- 
dallas de sus mujeres e ayllos e histo- 
rias de las cenefas, ecepto lo que no 
se les leyo. " The pictures of Inca 
chiefs are, of course, largely imagi- 
nary, as well as the costumes. But 
they have survived and, from the fact 
that they were made to be verified by 
the Indians, undue importance is often 
attached to them. Silk, velvet, gold 
and silver lace were known to the 
Indians in 1572, through what they 
saw of Spanish dress, and it is natural 
that the natives should clothe the 
supposed portraits of their ancient 
chieftains in the best of— European — 
finery. Hence it is well to be cautious 
and not accept the pictures for more 
than what they can be. The same 
with the ' l insignia. ' ' This naturally 
applies to the costume as seen in the 
performance described in the text. 

133 Judging from the descriptions of 
eye-witnesses, primitive dances at the 
time of the Spaniards' first arrival 
must have been more disgusting yet. 
Compare, for instance, Betanzos: 
Suma y Narracion, Cap. xn, pp. 83 
and 84. Cieza: Segunda Parte, Cap. 
xxx, p. 122 : ' ' Y estaban en esta fiesta 
de Hatun Kaimi quince 6 viente dias, 
en los cuales se hacian grandes taquis 
y borracheras y otras fiestas a, su 
usanza; lo cual pasado, daban fin al 
sacrificio, metiendo los bultos de los 
idolos en los templos, y los de los 
Incas muertos en sus casas. ' ' Pedro 
Pizarro: Relation del Descuorimiento, 
p. 277: "Pues dire de los vicios ques- 
tos ore jones tenian y maldades: eran 
muy dados a la lujuria y al beber: 
tenian acceso carnal con las hermanas 
y con las mugeres de sus padres, como 
no fuesen sus mismas madres, y aun 
algunos habia que con ellas mismas. 
. . . Emborrachabanse muy a, menudo, 
y estando borrachos todo lo que el 
demonio les traia a, la voluntad ha- 



cian." Also p. 347. All that oc- 
curred among the Inca. Of the In- 
dians in the district of La Paz, the 
Description, 1586, p. 72, states: "Las 
costumbres de la gente deste asiento 
y provincia es casi como las demas 
deste reino, porque todos de ordinario 
se emborrachan con una bebida que 
hacen del maiz ... el cual, aunque 
parece simple, beben tanta cantidad, 
que los emborracha. . . . Eedunda 
destas borracheras que cometen 
muchos estupros I incestos con madres, 
hijas, hermanas, sobrinas y cunadas, y 
vuelven a sus ritos y adoraciones. * ' 

134 Compare note 129. 

135 We saw the Mimula again at La 
Paz, in the street, but also after dark, 
about ten o'clock. It was sung and 
danced by men. 

136 rj^ i< moTenoS) >> as j shaii estab- 
lish elsewhere, are a survival of theat- 
rical plays and outdoor performances 
introduced by the Church with the 
view of gradually substituting them 
for objectionable Indian dances. 

137 Rhea americana. 

138 Peru, p. 306. 

139 From "pusi," "four" in Ay- 
mara, and ' ' ppiana, ' ' to perforate, 
with the possessive affixum "ni." 
The flute in question has, indeed, four 
holes. 

140 The custom is common all over 
the higher portions of Bolivia. If the 
Indians have too much rain, they ex- 
pose a skull (of the Chullpas) to the 
air, and sometimes place between its 
teeth a cigarette. 

141 But they still were loath to touch 
the skulls themselves. 

142 Further information about the 
' * Irpa ' ' will be given in a subsequent 
work. 

143 A good example of how the In- 
dians used, and perhaps to-day still 
use, church functions to shroud their 
ancient rites is given by Arriaga: 
Extirpation, Cap. vni, p. 45: "Y es 
cosa cierta, y averiguada, que en 
muchas partes con achaque de la fiesta 
del Corpus, hazen la fiesta de Oncoy- 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 159 



mita que diximos arriba, que es por 
entoces. Y en la Provincia de Chin- 
chacoha, quando se visito, se averiguo, 
que llevavan en la procession del Cor- 
pus dos Corderos de la tierra vivos 
cada vno en sus andas, por via de 
fiesta y de dan§a, y se supo, que real- 
mente eran of rendas, y sacrificios ofre- 
cidos a dos lagunas, que son Vrcoco- 
cha, y Choclocoha, de donde dizen, que 
salieron, y tuvieron origen las Lla- 
mas. "—" Como tambien se averiguo 
en Huarochiri, por el doctor Fran- 
cisco de Avila, que para adorar vn 
Ydolo en figura de muger llamado 
Chupixamor, y Mamayoc, hazian fiesta 
a vn imagen de nuestra Senora de la 
Asuncion, y para adorar vn Ydolo 
varon llamado Huay-Huay, hazian 
fiesta a vn Ecce Homo." That 
such primitive ceremonials may be 
connected with the dances performed 
at church festivals to-day is not un- 
likely. At any rate, there is little 
direct relation between the dances and 
the church ritual with which it is made 
to coincide. 

144 Also Prioste : Sodalitii oeconomus. 

145 The Lay-ka are variously alluded 
to by Arriaga: Extirpation, p. 17: 
"Estos que comunmente llamamos 
Hechizeros . . . con nombre general 
se llaman Vmu, y Laicca ..." Also 
by Villagomez: Exortacion contra la 
Idolatria, fols. 41 and 58: Relation 
anonima, etc., p. 171, calls them "lai- 
cas. ' ' 

The word "Yatiri" is found in 
Kamos : Historia de Copacabana, p. 75, 
and is said to have been the name of 
an idol invented by Huayna Capac 
and worshiped by him chiefly on the 
Island of Apinguila, near the north- 
western shores of Titicaca Lake: 
"Llevado de cierto espiritu innova- 
dor determino ofrecer todos aquellos 
sacrificios a un solo idolo, que llaman 
Yatiri, como si dijere, al que todo lo 
sabe, mandando que solo a ese se le 
invocase ..." 

140 This is so frequently mentioned 
in older sources that I refrain from 



quoting, the more so, as it will be 
treated at greater length elsewhere. 

14T This has been stated to us at 
various places in Bolivia. It is al- 
luded to by Cobo: Historia del Nuevo 
Mundo, IV, 149. 

148 1 cannot etymologize more than a 
few of the names of the dances: The 
word "Pusipiani" means, as already 
stated, perforated four times. Kena- 
kena is the name of the flute played 
by the dancers of that name. Sicuri 
comes from "Sico," the pan-flute of 
reeds— Bertonio : Vocabulario, II, p. 
315: "Sieo— Vnas flautillas atadas 
como ala de organ o." Chirihuanos 
derives from ' ' chiriri, ' ' or from 
"chiri. " The former, according to 
Bertonio, p. 84, II, signifies a talker; 
the latter is a word used sometimes to 
express darkness. As a personal name 
— therefore, possibly, "Huayna," 
" youth "(?) — it appears already in 
Cieza: Segunda Parte, Cap. iv, p. 4. 
After relating some ancient stories 
about Titicaca Island, he says : ' ' Chiri- 
huana, gobernador de aquellos pueblos, 
que son del Emperador, me conto lo 
que tengo escripto. ' ' 

148 About the manner of succession 
to the various "degrees" (if such a 
term is permitted) of medicine-men, 
the statements of older Spanish 
writers vary. What we learned con- 
cerning it later on will be recorded 
elsewhere. The Eelacion anonima, p. 
172, says: "Los ministros mayores 
siempre venian por via de eleccion y 
suficiencia ; los de la segunda y tercera 
diferencia aleanzaban los oficios por 
una de tres vias; 6 por via de heren- 
cia, 6 por via de eleccion, 6 por haber 
nacido con alguna serial singular y 
rara, no usada en los demas hombres. 
como es tener seis dedos en las manos, 
brazos mas largos de lo ordinario, 6 
haber nacido en el mismo tiempo en 
que cayo cerca de aquel lugar algun 
rayo, 6 haber nacido de pies, 6 otros 
senales; aunque lo de la herencia 
quitole la misma republica con su 
rey." Arriaga, Extirpation, Cap. m. 



160 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



p. 20: "De vna de tres maneras en- 
tran en estos oficios de sacerdotes de 
Huacas. La primera es por sucesion, 
que el hi jo lo hereda del padre, y si el 
heredero no (tiene) vso de razon, 
entra en su lugar el pariente mas 
cercano, hasta que el ligitimo heredero 
sea suficiente para el oficio. La se- 
gunda manera es por eleccion, quando 
falta el primer modo por via de heren- 
eia, o quando les parece, los otros 
ministros eligen el que juzgan, que 
sera mas a proposito, con parecer de 
los Curacas y Caciques. Y quando 
acontece, que alguno herido del rayo 
quede vivo, aunque q quede lastimado 
esta ya como divinamente elegido para 
el ministerio de las Huacas. El ter- 
cero modo es, que ellos mismos se 
toman el oficio, y se introdueen en el, 
specialmente de los oficios menores de 
adivinos, curanderos, por sola su vo- 
luntad, y autoridad, y esto es ordinario 
en los viejos, y vie j as, que por ganar 
de comer, y comer ellos dizen Vicjga- 
raycu, que es ventris causa, se hazen 
oficiales en estos ministerios. ' ' Lastly 
I will add the testimony of Cobo: 
Eistoria, IV, p. 130: "Los diputados 
para este oficio se elegian desta ma- 
nera; si nacia en el campo algun 
varon en tiempo de tempestad y true- 
nos, tenian cuenta con el, y despues 
que era ya vie jo, le mandaban que 
entendiese en esto . . . Item, los que 
nacian de mujeres que afirmaban 
haber concebido y parido del Trueno, 
y los que nacian dos 6 tres juntos 
de un vientre, y finalmente, aquellos 
en quienes la Naturaleza ponia mas 
de lo comun, diciendo que acaso y 
sin misterio los sefialaba, todos estos 
eran consagrados por sacerdotes 
cuando viejos; porque todos 6 los 
mas que tenian este oficio, lo eran 
y no se admitian a el sino cuando 
llegaban a edad, que no podian ejer- 
citar otros trabajos . . . Tambien ha- 
bia otros muchos que trataban en 
echar suertes, a los cuales andaba el 
oficio de confesores y de curar super- 
sticiosamente. Muchas veces se eon- 



fundian estos oficios con el primer 
linaje de sacerdote, usandolos todos 
juntos unas mismas personas, y otros 
andaban divididos, atendiendo cada 
uno al suyo; si bien lo mas comun era 
lo primero, que los sacerdotes eran 
juntamente confesores, medieos y 
hechiceros" (p. 132). "El oficio de 
sortilegos tuvieron estos indios no solo 
por licito y permitido, mas tambien 
por iitil y necesario en la republiea. 
. . . Todos cuantos entendian en esto 
eran gente inutil, pobre y de baja 
suerte, como los demas heehiceros, a 
los cuales elegia el Cacique de cada 
pueblo, despues que les faltaban las 
fuerzas para trabajar, precediendo a 
esta eleccion diversas ceremonias y 
ritos, que les mandaban hacer los 
dichos Caciques.' ' 

The statement, that the offices were 
sometimes hereditary means, not an 
obligatory succession from father to 
son, but, as among the New Mexico 
pueblos, adoption of a prospective suc- 
cessor, who may be the child of the 
incumbent if the latter sees in him 
special aptitude for the office. It is also 
interesting to note, that some of the 
medicine-men (shamans) embodied in 
their circle of knowledge that of all 
the other special branches, whereas 
the majority were limited to a lesser 
sphere of action. This indicates eso- 
teric societies, as the knowledge of 
each group was, of necessity, kept 
secret, from the people as well as from 
other clusters, the principal shamans 
excepted, who, as it is said to-day in 
Bolivia of the Haeha Tata, "know it 
all." 

150 Villagomez : Exortacion, fol. 15: 
"Si en las fiestas del Corpus Christi, 
6 en otras fiestas de la Iglesia fingi- 
endo los Indios que hace fiestas de los 
Christianos, an adorado, 6 adoran 
ocvltamente, a, sus idoles, 6 an hecho 
6 hacen otros ritos. " This is one of 
the queries ordered to be made in offi- 
cial examinations of sorcerers and 
other Indians supposed to know about 
witchcraft and primitive ceremonials. 



THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 161 



161 Information about the ' ' Chama- 
kani" (he who owns darkness) will 
be given elsewhere. 

152 That Illimani is a powerful 
"Achachila" has already been stated 
(note 98). 

153 Misti and all the volcanoes in 
general were regarded (and are to-day 
in secret) as fetishes of high rank. 
In regard to Misti it was plainly 
shown during the terrible eruption of 
the Ornate, near Moquegua (southern 
Peru), in 1600. When the eruption 
was at its height, the city of Are- 
quipa plunged in darkness, volcanic 
ashes falling steadily, the earth shak- 
ing, and tremendous thunder bellow- 
ing, while a lurid light faintly illu- 
minated the southeastern skies, the 
Indians, dressed in red, killed their 
sheep, fowl, and guinea-pigs, and be- 
gan to dance, sing, and drink immod- 
erately. Some of their wizards, after 
sacrificing llamas to the volcano, were 
said to have claimed "that they spoke 
to the devil, who informed them of 
the catastrophes that were to take 
place, and how the volcano of Ornate 



had attempted to confederate with 
that of Arequipa to destroy the Span- 
iards, and that, as the one of Are- 
quipa (Misti) replied he could not 
enter into the agreement since he was 
a Christian and named Saint Francis, 
the volcano of Ornate undertook it 
alone." Historia del Colegio de la 
Compania de Jesus de Arequipa y 
Reventazon del Volcan de Ornate, 
MSS. at National Archives at Lima, 
1600, Vol. XXI, fol. 24: "Mataron 
los carneros gallinas y conejos de la 
tierra que tenian y hizieron grandes 
vanquetes vailes y vorracheras vistien- 
dose para esto de Colorado y afin se 
dijo que algunos hechiceros sacrifica- 
ron carneros al Volcan porque no los 
hundiese y que hablaron con el de- 
monio que les dezia las tempestades 
que auia de auer y como el volcan de 
ornate se auia querido concertar con 
el de areqa para destruir a los espano- 
les y que como el de areqa respondiesse 
quel no podia venir en ello por ser 
ipano y llamarse S: Franco quel de 
Ornate solo se esforcaua por salir con 
este yntento. ' ' 



THE ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND 
OF TITICACA 



Paet IV 

THE ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND 
OF TITICACA 



THE Indians who inhabit the Island divide the ruins 
into two classes, one of which they call Chullpa, and the 
other Inca. They assign to each class a different origin. 

As stated in the preceding chapter, traditions preserved 
by writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries men- 
tion two distinct stocks as occupants previous to advent of 
the Spaniards. Hence the classification by the Indians of 
to-day is not an imaginary one. 

Geographical distribution of the ruins on Titicaca is best 
understood by means of the annexed map. The survey was 
made by me for the purpose of illustrating this distribution. 
I do not pretend, however, to have indicated all the ancient 
remains extant. There must be more, especially of the 
class called Chullpa, but their reduced size and utter decay 
render it difficult to trace them. Again the artificial ter- 
races, or andenes (in Aymara, "pata"), are so extensively 
worked at present that in a great number of cases it is not 
possible to tell which of them are ancient. According to the 
Indians, small and scattered houses, of one or only a few 
rooms and rude workmanship, are Chullpa ; the larger build- 
ings, with fairly constructed walls, good-sized doorways and 
niches are, as well as the better built andenes, Inca. A safer 
criterion is the character of the artefacts associated with 
each class of ruins. It cannot be denied that there are two 
distinct types in pottery. One type seems to be modeled 

165 



166 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

after the well-known earthenware of ancient Cuzco. It 
shows chaste form, a good quality of clay, solid burning, 
and especially a striking and often beautiful decoration in 
paint This is the Inca type, as the Indians on Titicaca 
claim. The other corresponds to the ceramics found in all 
the so-called Chullpas of Bolivia. It is much ruder in 
shape and design, the clay is not as well burnt, and the 
decoration more primitive. Other artefacts, such as those 
in metal and stone, are no longer abundant enough to per- 
mit of a strict classification, but the objects of silver and 
gold are regarded as belonging to the Inca type. We were 
unable to find textile fabrics, but through purchase of the 
magnificent "ponchos" contained in the collection of Don 
Miguel Garces of Puno, the Museum has come in possession 
of five specimens that are clearly of Inca origin. 1 

Thus it seems that the classification suggested by the 
aborigines of the Island is borne out by : the appearance of 
the ruins, the testimony of tradition, and the character of 
some of the artefacts, hence we may adopt it in our de- 
scriptions. 

The Island has many burial sites, and the majority of 
these belong to what the Indians call Chullpa. There are 
also graves which they declare to be Inca, and which are 
somewhat different from the former. I regret to say that 
we have not been fortunate enough to secure skulls from 
so-called Inca graves, except at the place called Kasapata, 
where we obtained, from seven stone cysts, fragments of 
children's bones, including broken skulls. At Sicuyu we 
hoped to have secured one skull of an adult woman, but it 
was only the cast, or lump of earth left after the skull had 
decayed. This lump fell to powder as soon as exposed to 
the air, and we did not even have time to take a mould of it. 

In regard to the distribution of the so-called Chullpa 
remains I may state that artificial terraces and burials are 
found nearly everywhere, where the nature of the ground 
permitted. But in regard to the terraces, "andenes," or 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 167 

"patas," it is mostly impossible to affirm that any par- 
ticular group of them is exclusively Chullpa. In such cases 
I limit myself to repeat the statements of the Indians with- 
out endorsement. The southeastern extremity of the Island 
—that part of it belonging to the hacienda of Yumani— is 
thickly striated with andenes, principally on the eastern 
side. In and about these, burial cysts of the type called 
Chullpa are scattered in numbers ; hence, probably, the In- 
dian assumed that the terraces belonged to the same class. 
We found few vestiges of small houses, though the cause 
of this may be their destruction in modern times for pur- 
poses of cultivation. The Indian is not piously inclined 
toward the remains of his forefathers. The ruins of 
clearly defined Inca origin between the landing at the Puncu 
(28) and the foot of the promontory on which stands the 
hacienda edifice of Yumani (b), the numerous andenes ac- 
companying them, and present cultivation according to 
ancient methods, make it impossible to assert anything more 
than that the so-called Chullpa remains occur in many 
places ; chiefly in the form of burials. Between Yumani and 
Pucara it is uncertain whether Inca vestiges exist; hence 
the supposition that the terraces on Palla-kasa (11), on the 
little plateau of Apachinaca (q), and the northern flanks of 
Kurupata (r and 10) are Chullpa, is not unlikely. We 
made excavations at (q) and at (r) and opened stone cysts, 
of the type designated as Chullpa, that contained skulls 
(male) artificially flattened, and pottery of the coarser class. 
Of buildings there are but few traces, and these so damaged 
by the Indians that only their site can be detected. Heaps 
of rudely broken stones indicate small edifices, square or 
round, hence Chullpa pattern. 2 

The bottom of Pucara bears traces that appear of Inca 
origin ; still, there are also vestiges of Chullpa burials. On 
the slope descending from the south into the grassy bottom 
that bears the name of el Ahijadero (place for raising or 
propagating animals, cattle or sheep, in reality a pastur- 



168 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

age), are found, with Chullpa tombs, andenes of Inca type 
and Chullpa terraces. North of the bottom, and to the west, 
rise steep heights, on the tops and slopes of which the 
Chullpa andenes predominate, if not exclusively repre- 
sented. These heights, which require special mention, are 
the prominent peak of Kea-Kollu (hill or mountain of Kea 
(7), and its lower companion of Little Kea-Kollu, Kea- 
Kollu Chico. 3 The abrupt rocky point of Like-Like (8) 
bears vestiges of terraced garden-beds, but it is not possible 
to determine to which class they belong. 

Kea-Kollu (see accompanying photograph) is a dome- 
shaped height rising about six hundred feet above the Lake. 
Its lower slopes are steep and, in places toward the north 
and northeast, terminate in low cliffs. Andenes on the 
middle and upper slopes are so numerous as to make the 
mountain appear girded by numberless concentric belts. As 
will be seen by the plat of the top of Kea-Kollu, they are 
neither regular nor symmetric. The andenes are of varying 
widths and heights. Some are only two or three feet tall, 
others nearly twenty. They follow the sinuosities of the 
slope. Frequently there are short and narrow projections, 
like bastions ; either in front of longer andenes, or connect- 
ing one terrace with another. The survey of the upper 
part of Kea-Kollu was therefore a very tedious work, 
and very much like that of the ruins near Llujo, at 
the foot of Illimani. The stonework on the andenes is rude. 
The merely broken stones are laid in mud and with little 
care. Some of the walls are smooth, others rough, and none 
have the finish of terraces attributed to the Incas, although 
the purpose was the same, that of making a steep slope 
available for cultivation. We were unable to find traces of 
irrigation, nor would irrigation be necessary. 

Shrubbery and ichhu-grass now cover slopes and terraces 
wherever rocks do not protrude. The irregularly elliptic 
summit is rocky, yet the "kara," or Dasylirion-like plant 
called in Spanish comida de oso (bear's food), grows 







■ ni pJoe [60 



■■■- ,.',,>: ■ 



"taiL 





Plate XXX 
Objects from various parts of Titicaca Island 

1. Bola-stone (Lliui) of hematite. 2. Bola-stone (Lliui), unusual shape. 
3. Head of warclub of stone. 4. Bronze head of warclub with hatchet 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 169 

abundantly among the rocks. On the northern slope the 
andenes gradually disappear; but on the other sides they 
continue down in many places as far as the base. Cultiva- 
tion having taken hold of the lower slopes lately, there may 
be many recent patas among those near the base, toward the 
pass of Kea and on swellings in the west and northwest. 
The upper half of the mountain is one irregularly terraced 
height, and as bushes grow on the edge of each anden, these 
hundreds of terraces appear from a distance like horizontal 
stripes of darker green. 

Beside andenes, Kea-Kollu has buildings and graves. 
The buildings (see plans) are small and quadrangular, with 
walls varying in thickness from one to two feet. The stones 
are laid in mud, but not in regular courses. The rooms 
were, to all appearance, not communicating. In those build- 
ings that are not built against the rock there are from three 
to five rooms and probably more. Shrubbery has played 
great havoc with the structures, so that details are mostly 
undistinguishable. The rubbish shows that the houses were 
all one-storied. The larger ones stand on the rim of plat- 
forms, affording good lookouts. Excavations proved use- 
less, as they have long ago been rifled of everything by the 
Indians. The sites of these buildings are indicated on the 
general plan. 

Other structures are small houses, built against the slope, 
with seldom more than three rooms, We examined closely 
whether it was indeed the rock that formed the rear wall, 
and not the walled front of a higher anden, and invariably 
found it to be the former. Not even its sinuosities had been 
corrected, as will be seen on the plans. The rooms in this 
class of buildings are usually somewhat smaller than in the 
others, and the walls thinner. The longest of these rock- 
houses measures thirty-three feet, whereas the longest of 
the others, built on a projecting point, is as long as forty- 
nine. The width was probably between seven and ten feet. 

At the places marked on the plan of the top of Kea-Kollu 



170 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

are buried houses that seem to contain but a single room 
each. One of these, of which the entrance had been made 
accessible, showed very good workmanship. It was made of 
approximate parallelopipeds of andesite laid in courses, 
and superior in appearance to the walls of neighboring 
edifices. The Indians declared it to be Inca. Shrubbery 
had so completely overgrown the place that it would have 
required several days to clear it. We had made arrange- 
ments to explore the site thoroughly, when my wife was 
attacked by severe influenza. For several weeks previous, 
our own supply of provisions had almost given out; tea, 
without sugar, and potatoes were our only food. The In- 
dian dwelling which we occupied on the middle flanks of 
Kea-Kollu afforded slight shelter against the nightly recur- 
ring rain. To return to the hacienda of Challa was im- 
practicable, since the family of the owners was expected to 
take refuge there from political persecution in Peru. Still 
I could not expose my wife's health and life in the cold and 
moist hut afforded to us by the Indians, and so we removed 
to Yumani, breaking off work at Kea-Kollu. It was not 
even possible to obtain laborers. Influenza had also broken 
out among our hands, and they attributed it to the bones of 
the dead which we were removing. So we had to abandon 
the interesting relic to later visitors. To all appearances,, 
this little building is like the one still standing on the slopes 
of Ciriapata, also declared by the Indians to be Inca, and 
of which I shall treat hereafter. 

Graves are very irregularly distributed over the upper 
parts of Kea-Kollu. There are some on the summit, in soft 
ground between bare rock, also on the artificial terraces, or 
andenes. They are like those in other parts of the Island. 
The stone covering them is usually one to two feet below the 
surface; the cysts are lined with rude masonry, and they 
were mostly empty! What we found in a few of them were 
skulls, the male ones with flattened forehead, the females 
with much less or no deformity at all. Sometimes we found 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OP TITICACA 171 

but one skull and skeleton, again two, in the same cyst. The 
bodies had all been folded, but lay mostly on the side, and it 
was easy to notice that the hands had been joined across 
the chest. Of artefacts, only a little pottery of the coarser 
kind was found. The Indians have rifled all these sites, 
first only in view of obtaining precious metal; lately, with 
the advent of foreign visitors, also for the sake of finding 
pottery, for which they have sometimes received exorbitant 
prices. Hence we obtained only leavings, and abandoned 
Kea-Kollu after completing its survey, in order to begin at 
Kea-Kollu Chico, or Little Kea-Kollu, where, according to 
the Indians, a richer yield might be expected. As I stated 
before, it was our intention to return and open up the small 
building mentioned, in order to study its architectural 
features. Upon our subsequent return to the Island ex- 
cavations became impossible through the behavior of our 
Bolivian servant. 

Judging from existing remains, and from what we were 
told of similar ones formerly extant on its slopes, but now 
completely obliterated, the colony on Kea-Kollu may have 
contained about two hundred inhabitants. They dwelt in 
scattered houses and cultivated the terraces. These ter- 
races recall to some extent the banquitos of Sonora and 
of northwestern Chihuahua, 4 with the difference that in 
Mexico the ground was mostly redeemed from the beds of 
mountain torrents, as the slopes are either rocky or covered 
with high timber, whereas on the Island there is no growth 
of vegetation strong enough to impede Indians from clear- 
ing; and the cherty deposits so common in Sonora do not 
occur. 

In none of the older sources at my command have I found 
any reference to Kea-Kollu and surroundings, hence no 
evidence that it was ever occupied by the Incas. The more 
singular, therefore, is the accumulation of ancient artefacts 
and human remains which we found on the low eminence 
called Little Kea-Kollu, west of south of the main height. 



172 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

and south of the pass leading from the settlement of Kea to 
Pueara. It is much lower than Kea-Kollu proper (see 
photograph) and forms part of an arc encompassing the 
bottom of Pueara on the west and north. On the slopes of 
this pass, toward Pueara, stand andenes, some of them so 
well made that the Indians say they are Inca ; and there are 
remains designated as Chullpa (andenes and burials) about 
the heights of Santa Barbara (12) and at Titin-Uayani, near 
Kea (29). At the latter place we excavated a number of 
graves, obtaining skulls, pottery of the coarser kind, and 
one skull trephined on the forehead. 

The hill of Little Kea-Kollu bears some low shrubbery 
along the rim of its summit. This summit is a triangular 
level, sixty-four feet in its greatest width, and seventy-four 
in greatest length. A few rocks crop out on the surface, 
and the soil is thin. In its southwest corner the remains of 
a wall, about ten feet long, were dug up by us. Near it, a 
disturbed cyst appeared. On the southern slope, another, 
partly rifled, cyst was opened. It is nearly round, and its 
diameter twenty-one inches. The sod over it was fifteen 
inches thick, beneath was clumsy masonry in three courses 
of large blocks, rudely broken and superposed, forming a 
pit thirty- four inches in depth, so that the bottom of the cyst 
lay forty-nine inches below the surface. In this cyst was 
found a flattened male skull, with decaying bones, and frag- 
ments of coarse pottery. On the opposite corner and on the 
northern slope two more cysts were discovered, one of 
which is represented on plate XX. Its form was trape- 
zoidal, and the casing consisted of five rough slabs set 
vertically into the ground. It was sixteen inches below the 
surface and the bottom eighteen inches lower. The greatest 
length was thirty-six inches, greatest width twenty-one 
inches, least ten inches. In this grave we found a deformed 
skull and a golden bangle. Thus there were, in all, five 
graves and part of a wall, on or near the top of Kea-Kollu 
Chico. The upper slopes of this hill, however, are covered 



o 

o 

ft 

a 

be 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OP TITICACA 173 

with from one to three feet of loam, and in it there was an 
accumulation of human remains, especially in the south- 
eastern corner. The skeletons were so near each other that 
it was not possible to determine what belonged to each 
skull. They had been packed as closely as possible, all bent 
and lying mostly on the side, with hands folded across the 
chest. There were male and female skeletons, but no bones 
of children. Among these remains and a short distance 
from them, always inside of the zone indicated on the plan, 
were found artefacts of almost every description, weapons 
and textures excepted. We obtained pottery, copper imple- 
ments, stone hammers for breaking clods, pins ("tumis," 
or "topos"), a few tiny specimens of gold, among them a 
bangle, fragments of sculptured slabs, hoes ("chonta") of 
stone, etc. Beside perfect specimens of earthenware, many 
sherds were exhumed. The pottery was mostly of the 
coarser type, but we obtained several gaudily painted speci- 
mens with plastic decoration recalling some previously 
secured at Tiahuanaco. Here also was dug up a spoon of 
bone, beautifully carved, used for taking lime or chalk with 
coca. What, however, appeared to us most valuable were a 
number of male skulls with circular trephining. One of 
these had two orifices close to each other, and the bone was 
scraped so as to form a common basin for both. We were 
unable to secure the slightest information, from the In- 
dians, in regard to this locality. Nobody remembered any 
ruins on it except those we had discovered, there was no 
name for the place other than the current one of Kea-Kollu 
Chico, and nobody recalled, or wanted to recall, any tradi- 
tion, legend, or lore connected with the site. Our first im- 
pression was that the bodies had been thrown together after 
some massacre, but we could not discover any marks of 
lesions, with the exception of one skull that had an incision 
near the occiput, as if the party had been struck from behind 
with the sharp end of a topo. In short, no clue to the cause 
or purpose of this strange gathering of human skeletons 



174 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

and artefacts could be obtained. As to the "trephined" 
skulls, not one of our men professed to know bow or for 
what purpose the operation had been performed. What 
they insisted upon was, that the place and its contents were 
Chullpa. The golden bangles, however, seem to be Inca. I 
merely add, that the male skulls are deformed like those 
taken from the stone cysts, said to be Chullpa. Among the 
stone objects were mortars, grinders and crushers. Whorls 
were found and bone implements for weaving, but not a 
single weapon! Turquoise beads came out of cyst 
No. 1. Other cylindrical beads were dug up in the loose 
earth, as well as a natural concretion, resembling a crouch- 
ing llama, which the Indians eyed so longingly that we sus- 
pected it to be ' ' Mullu, ' ' that is, a fetish of some kind. 

I may be permitted here to state what we succeeded in 
learning about trephining among the Indians of the Sierra 
in Peru and Bolivia. My researches among printed or 
manuscript sources of early times have been fruitless up to 
date. But we have been assured, by parties not unworthy 
of credit, that the practice of trephining, and afterward 
closing the orifices with a piece of gourd, is still in vigor 
among the Indians of high Peru. We were told that the 
operation is and was performed by persons without any 
instruction in surgery, and in order to remove splinters 
from broken skulls. In regard to the instruments used, our 
informants knew nothing, but they declared to have seen 
individuals who survived the operation for many years, 
with a piece of mate (gourd or squash) in their skulls, over 
which the skin had been stitched together. A friend of 
mine, Don Antonio de Ocampo, told me that in one of his 
rambles at Ancon, on the Peruvian coast, he stumbled over 
something that proved to be a skull which protruded from 
the soil. Picking it up, he saw that a foreign substance was 
inserted into the bone. It turned out to be a thin disk of 
mate closing an orifice. 5 The skulls we found at Kea- 
Kollu Chico differ from many other trephined ones in that 






;oiiiT 



^atosf.cfo DiUsisK 




Plate XXXII 

Metallic objects of personal decoration from Titicaca Island 

1, 2. Wrist bands. 3 Gorget. 4. Breast-pendant 



ANCIENT EUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 175 

the opening is circular and surrounded by a depression. 
This depression seems to indicate the insertion of a thin 
plate, as mentioned in the account given us of the operation, 
as well as in Senor Ocampo's description of the specimen 
from Ancon. It might be objected that the skulls of Kea- 
Kollu are perhaps not ancient. The misshaping of skulls 
was rigidly prohibited by the Viceroy Don Francisco de 
Toledo in 1575. 6 Later decrees, and a stringent search for 
idolatrous practices in the first half of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, finally abolished the custom. Hence the crania from 
Kea-Kollu Chico must be, if not of the period before the 
conquest, at least quite old. Trephining is a very ancient 
practice, and the artefacts that accompany skulls are, 
nearly all, of the type which the Indians declared to be pre- 
Incaic. 

The process of artificial deformation of skulls so gen- 
erally found all over the Puna and on the Island, among 
the so-called Chullpa remains, is described by older authors. 
It was noticed, at the very earliest times of Spanish occupa- 
tion, among the Indians of the so-called Collao, to which 
region the islands of the Lake belonged. 

Cieza writes of the ' ' long heads and without occiput, ' ' of 
the ' ' Collas, ' ' as produced by artificial shaping from i ' child- 
hood on." 7 A detailed description of the process we find 
in the work of Cobo : ' ' The Collas shaped the head long and 
pointed, to such an extreme as to cause astonishment at 
seeing the old people whom I yet saw with this custom from 
the days of paganism. They did this because they wore 
woolen bonnets called Chucos, like mortars or hats without 
brims, very high and pointed, and in order that these should 
fit better they shaped the head after the mold of the head- 
gear and not the latter after the head ; and in order to give 
this shape to the heads of children they tied and bound them 
tight with bands, keeping them thus tied until they were 
four or five years of age, after which the heads had become 
hard and had taken the form required for the head-dress, 



176 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

that is, long, flat, and without occiput. They said that they 
formed the heads in this way in order to make them 
healthier and better adapted to work, and the first bonnet 
was manufactured with many ceremonies and superstitions, 
as well at the spinning of the wool as at the weaving." 8 

The shores between Kea and the sandy Peninsula of 
Challa (a), and the slopes descending to that shore from the 
backbone of the Island, contain Chullpa vestiges. But this 
slope is broken; the little bays of Coyani (25) and Chumpa- 
Uaya (20) are bordered by strips of tillable ground, divided 
by steep rocks, so that the vestiges, of which many have 
disappeared through cultivation, are few and limited, as 
far as we could see, to terraces and scattered graves. The 
main crest of the Island, between Santa Barbara (12) in the 
southeast, and Muro-Kato (3), show but few traces of an- 
cient remains. The range of bald heights extending north- 
west of Challa, from Inak-Uyu to Challa-Pata and the 
Calvario (6, 5, and 4), is said to have supported ruins that 
are no longer visible. 

" Challa " means sand, 9 and the isthmus fully deserves 
the name. It is a narrow strip of white sand. On the 
north, it abuts against a low rocky butte called "Collca- 
Pata," beyond which a long peninsula, shaped like a foot, 
extends eastward. Collcapata (h) is the gateway to the 
grassy and fertile swellings of Ciriapata (g) and Marcuni 
(19), which run out in the point of Uajran-Kala (18). It 
is at Ciriapata and Collcapata, that we found the greatest 
number of burial sites declared by the Indians to be Chullpa. 
On Collcapata are a number of stone cysts of which we 
opened twenty-three, finding only four intact ones. With 
little difference, a few inches in extension and depth, they 
are like those described from Kea-Kollu Chico. Most of 
them had been rifled by the Indians long ago, and the posi- 
tions of such skulls as are left leads to the suspicion of 
reburial. Artefacts were limited to pottery of the coarser 
kind and some stone implements. Large snails, called 



• 

- -usd 






Plate XXXIII 

1. General plan of the ruins of Pilco-Kayma. 2. Plan of ground floor of 

building. 3. Plan of upper story. 4. Side view of northern front. 

5. Outhouses with platform. 6, 7. Plans of outhouses 



ANCIENT KUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 177 

"churi," were also found in some. 10 The four well-pre- 
served cysts had no covers, and the grave proper— the pit 
walled in with rude blocks and slabs— began at a depth 
varying between sixteen and eighteen inches, whereas the 
depth of the cysts ranged from eighteen to thirty-two. 
Three shapeless stone heaps indicated as many "Chullpa" 
buildings, and the declivities toward the Lake are naturally 
graded, but supported by artificial walls transforming them 
into andenes. A wall of stone, nearly three feet in thick- 
ness, crossing the summit of the hill, was uncovered. We 
followed it for a length of fifty-eight feet. It showed better 
workmanship than that of the walls at Kea-Kollu, still the 
Indians insisted upon it being ' ' Chullpa. ' ' Aside from the 
three stone-heaps, the long wall, the andenes and graves, 
Collcapata presented nothing of interest. 

A narrow neck, nearly at the level of the Lake, connects 
Collcapata with Ciriapata. This peninsula has some of the 
best pasturages and most fertile lands on the Island. Hence 
the Indians have cultivated it and cultivate it to-day. Its 
gentle slopes to the south and east are striated by ancient 
andenes as tortuous as any on Kea-Kollu. Their height 
varies so much that no average can be given. Only one of 
the face walls exceeds ten feet in elevation and the majority 
of the rest are lower than six feet. On one of the first steps 
ascending from the direction of Collcapata stands a ruined 
edifice, small and rude. Beneath slabs left of the floor we 
found a quantity of human bones. Higher up on the slope 
is a well-made building which the Indians say is "Inca." 
Its workmanship would confirm their statements. The 
higher plane of Ciriapata formerly supported a cluster of 
stone buildings. Twenty can still be traced, of which eigh- 
teen are almost obliterated. Two of the buildings appear 
to have been dome-shaped. They also were broken into and 
rifled, years ago, but enough is left to establish their form. 
The interior having been disturbed, it is filled with rubbish 
to such an extent as to render it impossible to measure the 



178 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

inside elevation. From the top of the opening of 
the rubbish below is an interval of three feet ; at ' ' b ' J it is 
thirty- four inches only. Interior diameters are: "a," five 
feet nine inches; "b," twelve and a half feet. The mound 
formed by each being from six and a half to eight feet in 
height, it is presumable that the room inside was about six 
feet high. The dome shape of both results from successive 
overlapping of stones. Each structure has its doorway 
with a rude lintel ; in " a ' ' the lintel is twenty-six inches long 
and eight inches thick; in "b" thirty-one inches by six. The 
entrance to "a" is tapering, measuring eighteen inches 
helow and sixteen above, its present height twenty inches. 
In "b" the opening is quadrangular, twenty-one inches in 
width and seventeen inches in height. We excavated these 
Chullpas to a depth of several feet, without result. They 
had been thoroughly cleaned out, but the Indians denied any 
knowledge of "finds" made in them. 

Eemains of walls connecting rubbish heaps are visible 
besides. But since the Indians have torn up andenes, de- 
stroyed buildings, and built enclosures and new andenes, it 
is impossible to form an idea of how the cluster appeared 
when it was intact. In many instances we could not even 
distinguish the new from the old. Nevertheless I believe 
that the plan indicates nearly, if not all, the ancient remains 
yet extant. It is possible that I have included walls and 
andenes that are recent or at least not pre-Spanish. I be- 
lieve it safe to state, in regard to this settlement, that it 
consisted of dispersed small houses, of one room each, con- 
nected with stone enclosures and terraces. Ciriapata was 
the largest Chullpa settlement on Titicaca, and I would, 
under my present impression, place the maximum of its 
former population at five hundred souls. 

There is a spring on the plateau, but it is hardly used at 
present. There are much more abundant sources of water 
of a superior quality on the Isthmus of Challa, at the foot of 
Challapata. The advantages afforded at Ciriapata to agri- 







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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 179 

cultural Indians are sufficient fertile soil, eastern exposition, 
hence sunshine and warmth, and good lookouts. On the 
south shores of Ciriapata the totora grows large enough for 
the construction of balsas, and here indeed is the only point 
on the Island where balsas can be manufactured. Also, if 
the ancient dwellers on Ciriapata had llamas, there could be 
no better grazing ground for these animals, and to-day the 
sheep of Challa are mostly herded on this peninsula. With 
the exception of north and northwest, the range of view is 
extensive. It would not be surprising, therefore, if the most 
populous settlement, on Titicaca, of Indians who were not 
Inca, had been established on this peninsula. 

The condition of the remains just described led to expect 
that undisturbed graves might yet be found. We were 
strengthened in our hopes by the Indians, although they 
invariably added that the site had been overhauled "long 
ago. ' ' We made excavations at four places. The result of 
our work was the opening, emptying, and measuring of 
eighty-five stone cysts: seventeen in one place; six in an- 
other ; two in another ; and a fourth group, of sixty. It is 
needless to describe each grave. The accompanying plates 
give an idea of their size, appearance and distribution. 
Some of the cysts had covers, consisting of a large slab al- 
ways covered by sod. There were seldom any surface in- 
dications, we had to test the ground everywhere, in order to 
find graves. Their distribution is irregular; they lie at 
unequal distances from each other, and children 's tombs are 
scattered among those of adults. Their depths vary be- 
tween fifteen inches (child) and fifty (adult), including a 
layer of soil from six to fourteen inches in thickness. The 
cluster is in an open quadrangle formed by a ruined wall, 
which is mostly modern, though its foundations appeared 
to be ancient. Many of the graves were empty, still we 
obtained pieces of coarse pottery and one Llivi, Ayllu, or 
grooved stone, for bolas. 11 The yield on the whole was 
unimportant, only two of the cysts containing tall red and 



180 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

black clay cups, which the Indians call kero. The cluster of 
six graves lay close to a bench of rocks overgrown with 
bushes, and forming the face of an anden. This rock over- 
lapped the rear wall of three cysts. The soil under the rock 
was about nine inches deep, and the side of the cyst 
descended two feet more. It will be seen that some of these 
graves are approximately round or oval, and that their 
sides are encased sometimes by vertical plates, mostly, how- 
ever, by from two to four courses of uncut blocks, with or 
without a thin seam of mud between them. The covers were 
gone, and the yield was broken and decayed skulls, a little 
coarse pottery, and a bit of gray obsidian. In one, three 
skeletons with skulls were disinterred at a depth of 
eight inches, and still lower three more skeletons so com- 
pletely decayed that hardly anything could be saved. 
Enough was left, however, to show that the bodies had been 
folded and the arms pressed against the chest. Near these 
graves, a hoe (chonta) of stone and a fragment of another 
stone implement were taken out of loose earth. 

On a narrow terrace, two very small cysts were opened 
that contained nothing. Their depth below the surface was 
only six and eight inches respectively. At site 2, on an 
ancient anden facing the south, and within an area bounded 
north and west by old stone walls, fifty-eight graves were 
found ; and two more close by. Of these fifty-eight graves, 
forty-seven clustered on a space covering not quite thirty- 
seven hundred square feet, near to a small ruined structure 
on the edge of the anden. Of these sixty cysts, five were of 
children. The cysts had been partly opened and disturbed ; 
hence, while it is likely that they all originally had stone 
covers, not all of these were in place, and a number of the 
cysts were empty or partly rifled. The depth of the covers 
below the surface varied between nine and fifteen inches. 
The stone-work on the cysts is mostly like that of the others, 
but there are in this group some well-laid and fairly 
rectangular casings. Here the yield was better, consisting 






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ANCIENT EUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 181 

of skulls (the skeletons had disintegrated), earthenware 
and other objects. In some we found only ceramics, in 
others a skeleton, with from one to seven pieces of pottery, 
all of the ruder kind. From one cyst, a skull, a stone- 
mortar, and a pot were taken out at a depth of twenty 
inches. In a cyst ten inches beneath the surface, and twenty- 
four inches deep, a vessel of clay in the shape of a duck lay 
three feet under the surface. There was rarely a grave 
without something in it. The best constructed one, a 
rectangle twenty-four by seventeen inches, its wall laid in 
courses, was empty to a depth of forty inches, then only a 
few. bones and the bottom of a vessel, charred, came to light. 
A polygonal cyst, twenty-four by twenty-one inches, inside 
measures, twelve inches below the ground and twenty-four 
inches deep, yielded a painted pitcher, a painted bowl, the 
bottom of a larger bowl filled with charcoal and blackened 
by fire, but no human remains. Another contained frag- 
ments of one male and one female skeleton, at a depth of 
thirty-two inches ; and twelve inches lower, seven pieces of 
coarse reddish toy-pottery, a tiny piece of silver, one tur- 
quoise bead, two copper rattles, and four topos, or tumis, 
two of which were of silver. On the top of all this, and with 
the decayed skulls, lay a well-made circular grinding slab. 
Charcoal was found in nearly all the cysts, and fragments 
of pottery blackened by fire. The greatest number of skulls 
in one grave was three. The male skulls are artificially 
flattened, female skulls showing no, or hardly any, deform- 
ity. I must note also that flint flakes were found in one 
cyst, and in another the upper part of the skull of some 
animal, which, however, was lost through carelessness of 
our servant. In one pit there were five skulls, but it after- 
ward turned out that these had been taken out elsewhere 
and reburied. 

There is a ruined "Orallpa" in close proximity to this 
cluster of graves. We could only make out its approximate 
size and probably circular shape. At or near the surface 



182 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

we obtained in loose earth, a few implements or fragments 
of implements of stone, mostly agricultural; also the half 
of a handsome stone-mortar that may have been dropped by 
accident. Here also the Indians' ruthless ransacking has 
made research difficult and conclusions doubtful. Re-burial 
has certainly taken place, and as careless as could be, when 
done by barbarians who upturned the ground only in search 
of metal and striking pieces of pottery. Destruction of 
ruins on Titicaca is mostly due to the cupidity of its Indian 
inhabitants. 

There are more burial sites at Ciriapata, and we in- 
vestigated several other points but only to find that they 
had been rifled long ago, just as the Indians told us. The 
same is probably the case with the remainder of the penin- 
sula. On the eminence called Marcuni (19) traces of an- 
denes exist, but there, as well as further to the east, toward 
the point of Uajran-Kala (18), the ground was either 
cultivated or used as pasturage and we could not think of 
disturbing it. It seems that this peninsula was more or less 
covered with scattered habitations of the Chullpa type, 
making it probable that Collcapata, Ciriapata, Marcuni, and 
Uajran-Kala, together, harbored the largest " Chullpa J ' 
population of any part of the Island. 

One small building consists of two (approximate) 
rectangles, one larger and one smaller. It is not the size 
of the building that attracts attention but the neatness of 
the stone work. The total length of its front is nine feet 
four inches ; its greatest width, six feet nine, and its height 
above the ground (it is partly buried) five feet. The door- 
way is eighteen inches wide, and only one foot of the eleva- 
tion is open. The lintel (of well cut stone) measures five 
inches in thickness and thirty inches in length. The walls, 
eighteen inches thick, are well built, the corners sharp, 
though not squared, and the facing quite smooth. It recalls 
the best specimens of Inca work on the Island. Its presence 
in a cluster of much ruder buildings attracts attention. Un- 



ft 



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CO ol 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 183 

fortunately, the Indians penetrated into it from above, 
causing the roof to fall in, as well as through the door. It is 
probably rifled of everything, and ravaged, through caving- 
in as well as by vegetation, which has converted the neat 
little structure into a blooming bush with ugly thorns. We 
saw that it would be unprofitable to excavate there, and 
limited ourselves to measurements. The Indians, as al- 
ready stated, affirm that the building is i ' Inca. ' ' We could 
not learn of any other structure of the kind in that vicinity. 
Keturning to Challa and proceeding northwestward 
along the Lake to the garden of Challa with its terraces of 
Inca origin, thence to Kasapata past the ruined andenes of 
Santa Maria, we find no clear vestiges of the Chullpa on 
our path. In continuation of the isthmus on which the Inca 
ruins of Kasapata stand, rises, as its northerly prolonga- 
tion, the height of Llaq'-aylli (f) which terminates in the 
sharp point of Ye-Jachi (17). The top of Llaq'-aylli is about 
four hundred feet above the Lake, and its northern point is 
somewhat lower. Both bear considerable shrubbery, and 
on them also lines of bushes indicate numerous ancient 
andenes. We were unable to determine to what class these 
andenes belong. We found no structures, although the 
top of Llaq'-aylli recalls some features of Ciriapata. We 
were repeatedly told there was nothing on Yejaehi, and 
indeed saw no traces. Hence I am inclined to believe that 
the Chullpa remains do not extend further than Kasapata. 
Beyond that point the fertile soil thins out, slopes are 
rocky, and the graves on the extreme northwestern point 
of the Island, the low promontory of Sicuyu (3), differ 
from those described as Chullpa. The southwestern wing* 
of the Island, the bottoms of Kona and the long ridges of 
Kakayo-Kena (19) are covered with ancient terraced 
garden-beds, but we have seen no traces of other structures, 
notwithstanding that in those sections the modern Indian 
did less damage. The andenes may be partly Chullpa, but 
there is a wide and fair trail or road— Quivini (3a)— lead* 



184 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

ing up to the Kakayo-kena from the bottom of Kona. 
Hence I believe that, while Chullpa remains may yet be 
found, in the shape of burials, in these sections, they were 
not inhabited to any extent comparable with sites above 
described. 

We find the distribution of Chullpa remains on Titicaca 
to be as follows : They occupy chiefly, if not exclusively, the 
southern three-fourths of the Island, and the principal 
settlements seem to have been Ciriapata, the upper slopes 
of Kea-Kollu, the crest at Apachinaca and along Kurupata 
and, possibly, the southern parts of the present hacienda of 
Yumani. The latter I infer from what we saw of an- 
tiquities and what could be observed in spite of modern 
cultivation. 

The settlements were not compact. They consisted of 
scattered houses of small size, and mostly of one room only. 
On Kea-Kollu the dwellings are partly built against the 
rock, and have more than one apartment, sometimes as 
many as six. We found no trace of fortifications, but the 
fact that the clusters occupy points of observation might 
indicate that the inhabitants did not always feel secure. 
The smaller houses, with one room only, recall the Chullpas 
on the Bolivian mainland near Chililaya, 12 and the many- 
roomed buildings resemble the dwellings on the slopes of 
Illimani near the perpetual snow-line. 13 

The great number of andenes with which the dwellings 
are connected, and the implements found at Kea-Kollu 
Chico and elsewhere show that the people were land-tillers ; 
but the presence, in graves even, of the stones called 
"llivi," or "ayllu," which were used after the manner of 
the Argentine bolas, indicates that they hunted, not only 
water-fowl, but probably also quadrupeds on the main- 
land. The llivi were also their main implements of war- 
fare. 

Their pottery is ruder and coarser, in material as well 
as in decoration, than that of the so-called Inca type. 



IIVXX 

;>)eG 

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Plate XXXVII 

Details of ruins of Pilco-Kayma 

Specimens of niches 



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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 185 

Plastic decoration, often crudely painted, prevails. Among 
the most striking vessels are certainly the black and red 
cups or goblets called kero, found abundantly in the stone 
cysts of Chullpa burials. Of these we know that they were 
drinking cups, and used in ceremonials. It is even stated 
that they served, under Inca sway, as accessories to human 
sacrifice, and were buried with the bodies of victims. 14 The 
same was the case with the keros of wood, of which at least 
three were found in rents of rocks above Santa Maria (i). 
Whether these wooden goblets are to be classed as Chullpa 
I am not able to decide. I know, however, that they are met 
with at Tiahuanaco and other places on the Bolivian main 
land, both north and south of the Lake, and that their shape 
is distinct from that of the usual drinking vessels from 
Cuzco. 15 If the black wooden kero from Santa Maria, sent 
by us to the Museum, is Chullpa, then, since the carving on 
it represents a man spearing a large fish, it would indicate 
that the Chullpa also engaged in fishing, and that they used 
a harpoon-like instrument, beside others, perhaps, of 
which we may have no knowledge as yet. 16 The keros of 
clay are often decorated with human faces in relief, but 
these are, with rare exceptions, angular and rude, and can- 
not compare with the beautiful heads from the Peruvian 
coast. Otherwise plastic art, judging from what we were 
able to collect, limited itself to fairly made vessels in the 
shape of ducks and to a few carvings in stone. 

"While excavating at Kea-Kollu Chico, an Indian from the 
small settlement of Kea brought us a slab of black stone, 
which he had found on the slopes of Ticani (2), one of the 
faces of which was covered with carvings. These carvings 
represent intricate figures. The origin of the stone we 
could not ascertain, beyond what I have stated. It may be 
ancient, or it may be of more recent date and belong to the 
class of pictographs now used by the Indians to represent 
church rituals graphically. 

Of textile fabrics from the Chullpa we were unable to 



186 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

secure any. Moisture has destroyed everything of that 
kind. But the Indians claimed to be able to assure us that 
the Chullpa dressed in clothes made of llama wool. As we 
obtained, at Kea-Kollu Chico, instruments for weaving 
made of bone, there is nothing improbable in this state- 
ment. 17 

That the people called Chullpa on the Island worked 
metal, is shown by the pins found in one of the graves at 
Ciriapata. These pins were of copper and of silver. The 
scarcity of metallic objects in the burials is no evidence 
that they were originally rare, since the eagerness of the 
modern Indian to obtain ancient objects of metal is very 
great, and, as I have repeatedly stated, the majority of the 
graves have been, if not completely rifled, at least searched 
long previous to our coming. 

Of household articles, we found the grinding slab or 
batdn at various places, and its crusher or grinder. Mor- 
tars were also found, and they are of the same type as 
those of Cuzco, though not as elaborately carved. 

It is also worthy of note that the artefacts in general 
ascribed to the Chullpa on the Island are identical with 
those of the Chullpa on the Bolivian mainland as far as we 
know. I refer to the vicinity of Chililaya and Huarina, and 
the sections of Liu jo, Coana and Coni, near the snows of 
Illimani. 18 

The word Chullpa is often applied, on the shores of the 
Lake and in the Puna in general, to tower-like structures, 
some of the handsomest of which are those of Sillustani, 
of Acora 19 and of the Peninsula of Huata. Elsewhere I 
have shown that the Sillustani edifices were not burial tow- 
ers, which is also likely in the case of Huata. 20 The mode 
of burial which Cieza de Leon describes as general in the 
Collao and on the southern shores of Lake Titicaca 21 is 
not found on the Island. All the graves seen by us— and 
we saw upward of three hundred— are in the ground, and 
stone cysts mostly, with a rude slab or block as cover. This 







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ANCIENT BUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 187 

mode of burial is like that observed by us at Chililaya, on 
the Island of Cojata and on the Illimani slopes. The num- 
ber of graves on Titicaca is large, but does not indicate a 
so-called Chullpa population in excess of the number of 
present inhabitants. 22 

The artificial deformity of the heads being the same as 
was found in practice among all Aymara-speaking tribes at 
the time of the conquest, it also supports the assertions of 
early chroniclers, that the Island of Titicaca was originally 
inhabited by a branch of the Aymard tribe. 

From the size and disposition of structures that were 
probably dwellings we may conclude that the homes of 
these people were dingy and calculated for shelter and 
warmth almost exclusively. In the absence of combust- 
ibles, crowding and exclusion of air had to protect from the 
prevailing cold. Not enough is left of these structures to 
enable us to decide whether their inmates used chimneys, 
but there is at least no trace of them, nor of flues. The 
Indians emphatically stated that in none of the Chullpas 
had they ever seen contrivances of the kind. This agrees 
with what we noticed on the mainland, among the ruins 
scattered over the Puna. 

But the Island of Titicaca contains ruins of a different 
character, which the Indians ascribe to the Inca. By this 
word, only the Inca tribe of Cuzco, in Peru, can be meant. 

The distribution of these so-called Inca ruins differs from 
that of the former class in that they are limited to fewer 
localities. They may be said to constitute four groups: 
The southeastern, composed of, first, almost obliterated 
structures near the landing of Puncu (26), the buildings 
and terraces at Pilco-Kayma (a), and the so-called foun- 
tain of the Inca, with andenes, at the foot of the promontory 
on which the hacienda buildings of Yumani have been 
erected; together, probably, with andenes on that promon- 
tory; second, the ruins at Pucara and the "Ahijadero"; 
third, the cluster of ruins at Kasapata and at the foot of 



188 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Llaq'-aylli; and fourth, the ruins on the northwestern end 
of the Island, embracing Muro-Kato (3), the Sacred Rock 
and annexes (a), the ruin called Chincana (b), the almost 
obliterated vestiges at Chucaripu-pata (c), the andenes of 
Chucaripu (d), and the promontory of Sicuyu (3), with 
whatever faint traces may exist between that point and the 
Sacred Rock, and on the flanks of the conical height of Ticani. 

There are also Inca remains in the southern bottom of 
Kona (p), but these, together with the andenes in the 
grassy basins north and south, and those on the slopes of 
Kakayo-kena, also the road called Qui-vini (30), attract less 
attention from the fact that no buildings have as yet been 
found among them. 

All the other groups show traces of edifices. The first 
three are mostly built on or surrounded by fertile soil ; the 
fourth group lies on partly sterile ground. All are provided 
with good water, and in connection with each we find sys- 
tems of terraced garden-beds, superior in construction to 
the Chullpa patas. The first group affords a good view of 
the eastern shore of Copacavana, the straits of Tiquina, 
and the Island of Koati. The second lies in a well-shel- 
tered bottom. The third embraces a magnificent range of 
view toward the east, north, and northwest. The fourth 
commands the north, part of the northwest, southwest, and 
portions of the south. It may be said that the first group 
commanded the eastern shore of the Peninsula of Copa- 
cavana and the Peninsula of Huata; the third the line of 
the eastern Bolivian mainland and the main Lake ; and the 
fourth the Peruvian coast from Puno to Yunguyu ; so that, 
from these sites, the shores of Lake Titicaca could be 
watched in sections. 

Nothing indicates, however, that the possibility of sur- 
prise or ambush was dreaded by the Inca. Landings might 
be effected, under cover of darkness, at points out of sight 
of any of these Inca settlements. Either the people who 
selected the sites had no grounds for fear, or nocturnal at- 



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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 189 

tacks were, by the Indians of Bolivia and Peru, not usually 
made. 23 For creeping up and hiding in close proximity 
to the buildings until dawn, there were ample opportunities. 
This indicates that the Island was not exposed to danger 
while under Inca sway. 

A distinctive feature of the settlements called Inca, aside 
from superior construction and finish, is the lesser number 
and greater size of the buildings. From one to three larger 
edifices and not over five or six smaller ones compose each 
cluster. The main buildings, while far from being very 
large, are still superior in size to anything of Chullpa type. 

Another feature is the traces of wide trails that connect 
the several establishments with each other. We must not 
fancy, however, that these were highways such as we find 
in civilized countries. For the greater part of their length 
they are simply well-trodden trails; such, for instance, as 
those leading up to the "Cerro de Montezuma" near Casas 
Grandes in Chihuahua, northern Mexico. 24 The section of 
the ancient road called Quivini— Chullun-Kayani (15)— is 
from seven to ten feet wide on the slope, but it is impossible 
to detect how much of that width belongs to the road and 
how much to the terraces along which it ascends. It con- 
nected the summit of Kakayo-kena with the cluster about 
the Sacred Eock, but the main portion of it, across the 
undulating slopes between the northern bottom of Kona to 
the Sacred Kock, and Chucaripu, seems to have been an 
Indian trail simply worn out by frequent travel. So it is 
the case with the road from Pucara to the northwestern 
end of the Island, and with the trails that connected the 
southern (first) group with Pucara. The latter was prob- 
ably along the line of that which now leads to Challa, but 
deviated from it to follow the ridge instead of descending 
to the Challa Isthmus. Mr. Squier saw some of this an- 
cient road, but included in the description of it features 
that are not artificial. 25 Besides Quivini, the best pre- 
served specimens are the fragments of the road descending 



190 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

from Muro-Kato toward ruins called Mama-Ojlia. On the 
heights, however, all traces vanish. 

Another distinctive feature of Inca ruins on the Island 
are particularly well constructed andenes, with artificial 
drainage of the slopes in two places. The water was gath- 
ered in troughs behind the anden, which troughs emptied 
through narrow conduits into an artificial basin, whence it 
is led by stone channels down the slope into the Lake. Such 
is the case at the " Fountain of the Inca" of Yumani (n) 
and at the garden of Challa (23). At the Chincana (b) 
something analogous may have existed, although there is 
at present merely a spring surrounded by a stone enclosure. 
Such contrivances indicate considerable advance, but we 
must not exaggerate by fancying these places to have been 
improved artistically. They are naturally picturesque, as 
many others on the Island, and the superabundance of 
water compelled the Indians to resort to drainage. The 
gardens themselves, with a number of imported shade and 
other trees, flowers— dahlias, forget-me-nots, pinks, roses, 
etc.— and strawberries, are from colonial times, and they 
have given to the sites their main charm. If we divest the 
garden of Challa of these originally Spanish beautifying 
elements, the view remains : clusters of indigenous stunted 
keiiua-trees, and monotonous andenes as the only work 
performed by the Incas. The same is the case at Yumani. 
Only the utilitarian point of view— not landscape gardening 
as fabled— determined the Indian's choice, and the rever- 
ence which the Peruvian aborigine, like all Indians, paid to 
springs and groves was a part of their Huaca, Paccarina, 
or Machula worship. 26 

The works above described, and attributed to the Inca, 
appear greatly superior to the achievements of the so- 
called Chullpa. It remains to investigate how far this 
superiority is upheld in other lines, and we must therefore 
attempt a description of the main ruins and cast a glance 
at the artefacts found in connection with them. 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 191 

Mr. Squier has given a plan of the ruins at the Puncu, 
a short distance above the landing. As these vestiges have 
almost disappeared, I refer to his description, plan, and 
picture. 27 These small structures overlooked approach to 
the Island from the Peninsula of Copacavana. The path 
which now leads up to the backbone of the Island (see 
map), rises, as already stated, continuously, though not 
steeply. Soon the traveler sees below him on the right the 
ruins known as Pilco-Kayma. 

The Pilco-Kayma is a quadrangular structure of stone 
connected with a system of handsomely constructed andenes 
that skirt the abrupt shores of the Lake and extend in 
curves 400 feet to the south-southeast, and, by airline, 800 
feet to the north. From the level on which the main ruin 
stands, terraced garden-beds rise irregularly, running in 
undulating lines as far as the extreme northern end of the 
whole system of terraces. Above that end, other handsome 
andenes rise, forming eleven nearly parallel gradients, 
altogether little more than a hundred feet deep, while their 
front toward the Lake is not over two hundred feet in 
length. Beyond these andenes follow others, out of sight 
from the main ruin, which extend northward toward Yu- 
mani. Most of these are under cultivation, and they may 
even be partly modern. 

In the rear of the Kayma, the ground rises rapidly and 
rocks bulge out in irregular steps, bearing patches of soil 
which were also cultivated. The andenes in front of the 
building are well made, and overlook the waters of the 
Lake from a height of about sixty feet. Descent is abrupt 
and the beach very narrow. 

A little over one hundred feet north-northwest of the 
Kayma stands a small building, seventeen feet long by 
thirty in depth, on the southern corner of a terrace 
densely overgrown by shrubbery. The length of this ter- 
race is one hundred and twelve feet, and its northern end 
bears another small edifice, more ruined than the former 



192 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

and of about equal dimensions. The rear wall of the anden 
on which these two structures stand is of very fair con- 
struction and has eight trapezoidal niches. It will be seen 
that, while the dimensions of the niches are nearly (not 
absolutely) equal, there are differences in detail of form 
or design. Thus, one has a lintel, and tiny recess, which the 
others have not. Between every two of the large niches is 
a smaller one in the shape of a lozenge, the deep middle 
recess of which is lined by four thin plates of stone set on 
edge, and as many small pebbles forming the corners. This 
wall presents, therefore, quite an ornamental appearance. 
Its height is eight feet. The masonry of the buildings is 
equally well made, and one has a number of small interior 
niches. 

Below this upper tier runs an esplanade four feet wide 
and three feet high, faced with stones and fairly leveled. 
All these structures are now overgrown with shrubbery 
that plays sad havoc with them. The purpose of the two 
buildings and of the terraces connected is conjectural. Mr. 
Squier offers no explanation. The interior would be per- 
fectly plain except for the niches, to which a practical, not 
an ornamental, purpose must be ascribed. These side- 
buildings, and another, which I yet have to describe, appear 
like outhouses or isolated store-rooms, rather than dwell- 
ings or structures of a ceremonial or military character. 

About twenty feet to the west, and higher up the slope, 
stands a larger building which is better preserved. In 
places its walls are as tall as eight feet, and three feet thick, 
with two interior niches in the western and three in the 
northern wall. The doorway is thirty inches wide and its 
stone frame well made, but it has no lintel. There is as little 
left of the roof as in any of the others. In front of this 
structure lies a ruined platform about six feet wide. 

This edifice stands on higher ground than the Pilco- 
Kayma proper, and it leans against the same rocky rise as 
that building. It will be seen that the Kayma is not sym- 



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ANCIENT EUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 193 

metrically built. It forms a quadrangle with sides of un- 
equal length. The north wall, without its two additions, 
measures forty-nine feet ; the western wall, forty-four ; the 
southern, forty-five; and the eastern or Lake-front, fifty. 
The cause of these irregularities lies partly in the nature 
of the ground which slants considerably to the eastward. 
It is another evidence that the builders, notwithstanding 
certain advances, could not remove serious natural ob- 
stacles, hence, as in New Mexico and at Mitla, in Mexico, 28 
adapted their buildings to the ground, instead of leveling 
the ground for the building. 

The walls, exterior as well as interior, of the Pilco-Kay- 
ma, vary in thickness between eighteen and forty-two 
inches, and at small distances from each other. The ma- 
sonry is fair, the stones are laid in irregular courses, some- 
times breaking joints, and the blocks are of every imaginable 
size, merely broken, not cut or hewn. Thin seams of mud 
form their binding; hence their appearance is not as pre- 
possessing as, for instance, the stone walls at Cacha, nearer 
to Cuzco, or the so-called " house of Atahualpa" at Caja- 
marca. But since there is every reason to believe that over 
these rough walls there has been a coating of clay, painted 
besides, we may consider the present appearance of the 
building as merely the skeleton of its original state. 

The lower story, as we may call it, is divided into eleven 
apartments, three interior courts, and one space on the 
Lake-front, in regard to which, there being no roof and 
only a considerable amount of rubbish left, I do not venture 
to decide whether it was a room, or an open passage, or 
small court. The western end, surmounted by a part of 
what is an upper story, is completely dark and very little 
detail can be observed. The three middle courts, as will be 
seen at a glance by comparing the plan of the upper story 
with that of the lower, are small, filled with thorny shrub- 
bery, and they have niches as well as doorways leading into 
rooms on the west. Both the northern and southern courts 



194 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

open to the outside. The middle court communicates with 
one single room to the west of it. (I refer to the plan for 
dimensions and details.) The height of the rooms decreases 
from east to west. Those on the Lake-front measure from 
fifteen to fifteen and a half feet to the top of the ceiling. The 
exterior height of the building along that front is nearly 
twenty-two feet, leaving seven feet for the thickness of 
the roof, which is of slabs, mud and stones. It is not cer- 
tain that its present thickness was the original one, and it 
would seem to have been less rather than more. At the 
northern doorway, the total elevation of the structure is 
reduced to about eighteen feet, and at the western end of 
the northern wall to eight. Still the height of the apart- 
ments, while less in western rooms, does not keep step with 
the decrease in exterior elevation. 

The three rooms along the eastern front that are still 
intact have the same kind of ceilings. They consist each of 
four tiers of successively overlapping stones to a height of 
fifty-eight inches. The uppermost tier supports four large 
slabs forming the apex of this primitive vault. We could 
not measure exactly the surface of this apex, hence the 
figures, so far as dimensions are concerned, are not abso- 
lutely accurate. The masonry inside is not much better 
than that outside, and it is plain that it was plastered over 
and painted. The ceilings of the western rooms, so far as 
we could see, correspond to the description given by Mr. 
Squier: "Their ceiling is formed by flat overlapping 
stones"; but the "great regularity" with which they are 
said to be laid we were unable to find. The plates forming 
the apex are far from equal in size and seem to have been 
picked out rather than shaped. Doorways with niches and 
rude cornices, and larger and smaller niches, give to the 
outer walls a clumsily ornate appearance. The northern 
doorways appear to have been the main entrances to the 
lower story, being on the most convenient side. Niches are 
plentiful, and those in the rooms on the Lake-front are 



ANCIENT KUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 195 

taller and more elaborate. Further in, they become small 
and plain. There are no fireplaces, chimneys, or flues ; not 
even a smoke escape, which is strange enough in a cold 
climate. Some of the doors and larger niches taper toward 
the top ; the others are fairly rectangular. 

In two of the rooms (see plan of lower story), a heavy 
boulder, resting on the floor, is imbedded and has been in- 
cluded in the wall. Above one of these boulders is a niche. 
The boulders are so large that it would have required sev- 
eral men to remove them ; still it is strange that people who 
were able to move incomparably more ponderous masses, as 
shown at Sillustani and Cuzco, should have left smaller 
blocks in situ, building over and around them. The pur- 
pose of making a rude mass an integral part of the side of 
a room is not clear to me. The work of carrying the boulder 
to the spot, would have been much greater than that of 
laying the wall. The boulders show no trace of workman- 
ship. They may have been placed there for some purpose, 
but it strikes me as more rational that they were found 
there originally and included in the masonry. 

The whole of the lower story has, so far as we could 
find, only two airholes aside from doorways, and to these 
tiny openings the name of window can not be given. They 
are so constructed as to permit the admission of a thin 
stream of air, but of very little light, as the opening is not 
straight, but in one forms an angle, in the other almost a 
"T." Both are in the rooms toward the Lake, hence in 
those that are lighted and ventilated by tall doorways. 
None of the other apartments in the rear have anything 
but low doorways to illuminate them ; they are dark, dingy 
caverns. 

The little outhouse resembles the other smaller buildings, 
only it is not as large and has no niches. It is a continua- 
tion of the southern wall of the Kayma, and has the hand- 
somest masonry of the whole group. The doorway in 
particular is very carefully made. 



196 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

In regard to the upper tier, which is much more in ruins 
than the lower, I refer to the plan. It will be seen that it 
covers but one half of the ground floor. On the northern 
side are portions of walls as tall as nine feet, the others 
are lower, and the eastern front is much deteriorated; 
hence architectural details offer less interest. The two 
rectangular additions in the rear are about on a level with 
the floor of the upper story ; they are in ruins and filled with 
shrubbery. Immediately behind them rise the rocky steps 
of the slope, some of which have been used as andenes, 
wherever the ledge was capped by a sufficient thickness of 
soil. 

The site itself, on which the Pilco-Kayma forms the cen- 
tral structure, is fairly picturesque. The terraces and 
slopes afforded ample space and soil for cultivation. Water 
is near at hand. It receives the greatest amount of sun- 
shine obtainable, being open to the east and northeast, 
and protected against cold blasts from both north and west. 
It is, for these great altitudes, comparatively rich in 
natural advantages. 

The magnificent view from the Pilco-Kayma, the un- 
paralleled beauty of the Sorata group of the Andes, which 
nowhere else on the Island appears so grand and majestic, 
inspires almost reverential admiration. Every one of our 
visits to this site was a source of new and deep-felt pleasure, 
aside from archaeological interest. How far this impressed 
and impresses the Indian, whether Aymara or Quichua, 
Colla or Lupaca or Inca, may be judged from his character 
and primitive beliefs. If the scenery affected his mind at all, 
it was through the appalling nearness of the gigantic peaks, 
each of which was to him the home of some powerful spirit, 
and not a " sense of nature's beauty,' ' of which there is no 
trace in his character, either in ancient or modern times. 

It is clear from the size of the edifices that the number of 
their former inhabitants cannot have been great. The 
Pilco-Kayma, admitting that all the rooms were occupied, 



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Plate XLI 
Artefacts of Bronze (Inca make) from the Island of Titicaca 

Bar or lever of bronze. 2. Chisel or engraving tool of bronze. 3. Bronze 
needle or Yauri. • 4. Engraver's tool (?) of bronze. 5. Celt or 
chisel of bronze. 6. Ax of bronze. 7. Bronze knife 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 197 

could shelter at most a hundred people by dint of crowd- 
ing. The outhouses might have lodged as many more. What 
the original purpose of the building may have been is diffi- 
cult to imagine. 29 

The sinuous slopes between the Pilco-Kayma and Yumani 
are covered, as already stated, by andenes showing ancient 
and recent cultivation. I have mentioned the fact that the 
number and extent of these garden-beds does not indicate a 
correspondingly large agricultural population. The system 
of rotation in lands requires a very large surface in com- 
parison with the number of the people. We find no traces 
of Inca buildings until we reach the lower slopes of the 
promontory of Yumani, where, not far from the water's 
edge, shapeless rubbish designates the spot on which, ac- 
cording to the present owners of Yumani, "another 
Kayma" formerly stood. Not even the approximate size 
of the structure can be determined, so completely have 
treasure-seekers overthrown its remains. On the southern 
slope of the Yumani height, however, stand, in fair state of 
preservation, the vestiges called "Fountain of the Inca," 
improved and beautified after the seventeenth century 
through the addition of trees and plants not indigenous to 
South America. What renders the Fountain and its num- 
erous and well constructed andenes attractive is not due 
to Indians. 

From the plan it will be seen that the water, gathered in 
the rear of the upper andenes, finds its egress into a wide 
niche with a small basin, and through four openings left 
purposely between the blocks out of which the rear wall of 
the niche is built. The term " spouts' ' is therefore inap- 
propriate, as there are no conduits cut in the stone, still less 
spouts that protrude. The stones are fairly laid in mud, and 
the openings are at unequal distances. A coating of whitish 
concrete formerly covered the wall from which the water 
issues. Traces of this coating still exist, and to it must be 
attributed the statement that conduits are cut in the stone. 



198 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

The basin in front is not deep, and from it the water, which 
is beautifully clear and of excellent quality, finds egress, 
through a covered channel, to the lower level of the next 
anden, and thence down the slope in a narrow canal of 
stones forming on the way little falls of from one to two 
feet. The height of the slope, from the beach to the Foun- 
tain, is 110 feet, and the horizontal distance nearly 300 feet. 
All along the inclined channel, steps, made of rude and very 
unequal stone plates three feet wide at the top, but only 
two feet further down, lead to the narrow and sandy beach. 
On both sides of this path numerous andenes extend in 
curves, those on one side not being always on the level of 
those on the other. The facing of these terraces is well 
made, and superior to any on Ciriapata and similar sites. 
Below, where the water issues on the beach, the anden is 
high. Stone steps lead up to it at more than one place, and 
tall and well made niches, not exactly equal in size, adorn 
the front, both right and left of the channel. We saw no 
trace of buildings. The whole is a system of terraced 
garden-beds combined with a well-planned arrangement for 
drainage. The basin is too small for a bath. In the wall 
to the left of it, are two niches of small size, capable of 
holding a pitcher. Terraces, niches, basin and steps, have 
been repaired by the owners of Yumani at various times. 
Some details may not be original; the main features cer- 
tainly are. The water is not from a spring. It is the drain- 
age of the steep slopes of a crest, extending from Pallakasa 
to Kenuani (13), of part of the latter peak, and of the 
southern declivities of Yumani. The crest and tops 
mentioned are bare, and the grade is steep, hence the 
waters rush down the slopes. Some years ago the owners 
of Yumani had to open the rear of the anden in which the 
fountain is constructed, because the latter stopped running. 
They found an ancient wooden channel, partly decayed, the 
decay obstructing the outflow. This channel is said to ex- 
tend nearly as far as the Pilco-Kayma, hence it receives the 



S 2 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 199 

waters of a considerable length and height of slope and 
drains it, insuring stability to the ground. Were it not for 
this drain, the soil would turn into mire and eventually be 
washed away. The Fountain of the Inca is therefore sim- 
ply an arrangement for draining the declivity in its rear. 
The channel through the garden and to the Lake, if primi- 
tive, was not intended for irrigation, as the water in it 
flows at a lower level than the andenes on both sides, and 
it cannot be turned onto any of the terraces. 

Beyond Yumani, except the almost undistinguishable 
remains at the northern base of its promontory, Inca ruins, 
if they ever existed, have disappeared. I hold it to be likely, 
that Pucara, on the margin of the grassy pasturage called 
" Ahijadero, ' ' at the base of Kea-Kollu, is the next site of 
Inca remains, on our way from Yumani to the northwestern 
extremity of the Island. 

Pucara (m) is sadly wrecked. What remains does not 
even allow suggestions of a reconstruction. The bottom of 
the " Ahijadero' ' is in many places marshy and traversed 
by dykes dividing it into irregular sections. The elevation 
of these causeways above the ground is from a few inches to 
six feet, one side being nearly always higher than the other. 
Their width varies also, five and thirteen feet being the 
extremes noticed by us. The rims or borders are lined with 
rows of stones in single file, and in the case of the widest of 
these causeways, another row divides it longitudinally also 
(see diagrams). The dykes are built of earth and gravel, 
with some stones, so as to make them harder than the sur- 
rounding level. 

The Indians could give us no information in regard to 
these causeways, neither could the owners of the Island, nor 
anybody else familiar with Titicaca. They had escaped 
attention thus far, as their appearance is not striking. Our 
first impression was that they were ancient irrigating 
canals. But it soon became apparent that this was not the 
case. The "Ahijadero" is a marshy pasturage, its north- 



200 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

western section, at the foot of Kea-Kollu, a swamp. The 
central and southern parts are drier because higher. The 
dykes in question cannot have had anything to do with 
cultivation, for the bottom was not anciently cultivated. 
These contrivances seem therefore to have been made in 
order to enable circulation. It is the only suggestion I can 
offer. There are two groups of them, one of which touches 
Inca andenes on the slope of Little Kea-Kollu, the other 
traverses nearly the whole length of the bottom, from 
a deep ravine on the flanks of Santa Barbara to the beach. 
Up that ravine, the Indians say, an ancient trail or road 
leads to the Sacred Eock. The ravine is so much eroded 
that we cannot affirm having seen vestiges of the trail, and 
higher up so many trodden paths cross the slopes that it is 
impossible to distinguish the old from the new. The lower 
end of the longest dyke tapers out almost in front of Pu- 
cara. Hence it is possible that the causeways were built for 
the purpose of facilitating intercourse between Pucara and 
the northwestern end of the Island, the bottom of the 
" Ahijadero" being formerly more swampy than it is to-day, 
and water covered perhaps the entire expanse as far as the 
base of Kurupata (r). Similar causeways are found in the 
southern bottom of Kona, of which mention will be made 
further on. 

The ruins proper consist of what at first sight appears as 
a long and solid wall forming an a L," the eastern wing of 
which is taller but much shorter than the southern. Its 
thickness is not easy to determine, as it has been changed 
by removal as well as through additions, but it seems to 
vary between four and a half and six feet. The masonry is 
fairly laid and superior to Chullpa work. The southern 
wing is still standing, partly, on a length of four hundred 
feet ; there are traces of its former extension westward for 
quite a distance along the base of Kurupata. Its height 
varies between four and eight feet. In it are a number of 
large niches, a tall one alternating with a smaller, the 



Plate XLIII 
General plan of the bottom of Ahijadero with ruins of Pucara 



ANCIENT KUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 201 

former going down to the ground. There are two openings 
that may have been gateways, but they might also be due to 
removal. Yet I believe that at least the smaller one was an 
entrance. The eastern wing seems to have been part of a 
building. Its length is ninety-eight feet from the corner to 
a doorway, through which stone steps lead up to a higher 
plane on the slope of Uacuyu. In this wall are two tall and 
quite elaborate niches, and two openings the largest of 
which measures four feet in height, twenty-six inches at 
the base and twenty-four at the top, whereas the other is 
smaller and not tapering. Both have stone lintels. The 
greatest elevation of this wing is nearly thirteen feet, the 
tallest niche measuring eight and a half feet in height. 
Both openings stand five feet above the ground. Here de- 
struction has been very great. Enclosures for cattle and 
swine have been built out of the material by the Indians, 
and the space in front is so completely converted into pig- 
sties, and the like, that it is useless to conjecture what might 
have stood there formerly. As, furthermore, we could not 
obtain any information about the place, I can only con- 
jecture that there stood at Pucara "once upon a time" a 
structure, one wall of which was about a hundred feet in 
length and had two openings like windows, to the east. 
Why these openings were made on the side where the slope 
crowds the walls, is strange, unless they were doorways to 
facilitate access from the rear. 

Tall andenes with tall niches line the slope of Kuru- 
pata in the rear of the southern wing, and on the lowest 
declivity of Uacuyu, 160 feet from the eastern wall or 
building, lies an anden (d), with at least five ruined 
niches, while its front is otherwise in a fair state of pre- 
servation. From the anden a wall, partly in ruins, advances 
to the edge of a lower terrace, shutting it off on the south. 
This anden also is well constructed. On the southern side 
a little chamber has been built with two doorways, one 
below and the other above, and with stone steps of which 



202 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

only traces remain, from the lower to the upper. Both door- 
ways are carefully made and do not taper like the niches. 
The face of the lower anden has recesses and farther south 
stands a similar structure on the same level. We could only 
glance at the latter. Higher up on the slope of Kurupata 
stand more andenes declared to be Inca by the natives, as 
well as those on Little Kea-Kollu. It is probable that 
cultivation was limited to these points, in addition to what 
is said to be Chullpa, of which there are numerous vestiges. 
This mixture of Inca, Chullpa, and modern terraces, and 
consequent changes, renders discrimination very difficult. 
Among the artefacts from Pucara, articles in copper and 
bronze predominate. From here we obtained through pur- 
chase (excavations being impossible as the slopes were 
covered with ripening crops) the finest specimens of knives. 
Among them is one with a handle terminating in a well 
modeled hand. This implement was cast, not hammered. 
We also obtained heavy bars made of bronze, said to be 
agricultural implements, and the only star-headed weapon 
(one side terminating in an axe-blade) that we saw or 
heard of on the Island. It is singular, that none of the 
older sources at my command mentions the ruins at Pucara 
or any ruin resembling it. It is true that Pucara lies away 
from the line of travel from the southern to the northwest- 
ern end of the Island, and this may be the reason also why 
Mr. Squier makes no mention of the place; but the mis- 
sionaries of the seventeenth century might be expected to 
have at least heard of Pucara! Nevertheless, neither 
Eamos, nor Cobo, nor Calancha, all of whom visited the 
Island, allude to the site, whereas on other ruins they are 
very explicit. 30 What the object of the constructions at 
Pucara might have been is, therefore, a matter of specula- 
tion. The elaborateness displayed in several of the andenes 
indicates that some importance was placed upon that 
establishment, an indication supported also by the exist- 
ence of ancient trails and dykes. It evidently stood in 







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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 203 

direct relation to the northwestern clusters of Inca build- 
ings, and was probably occupied at the same time. 

On the way to the Inca ruins at Kasapata, the garden of 
Challa (23) attracts attention. It is, on a smaller scale, a 
second Fountain of the Inca. The few andenes, traversed 
by a channel filled with limpid water as at Yumani, are even 
better built than those of the Fountain. There is at the 
Challa garden a greater number of kenua trees ; and above 
the garden, on the slope, stands quite a grove of these 
bulky plants. Most of them must be quite old, especially 
the one in the garden of which a photograph is appended. 
In the grove are remains similar to those at Yumani. Ex- 
cept a channel and most of the andenes, all improvements 
were made since the conquest and probably during the 
eighteenth century. Of buildings there are no traces. The 
same is true of the site called Santa Maria (i), where 
ruined terraces yielded to us potsherds of the so-called 
Inca type. Still higher up, on the northern declivities of the 
Calvario (4), black goblets of wood were found in crevices 
of the rock. 

Kasapata (e) stands near an isthmus, at the foot of the 
promontory of Llaq'-aylli. Mr. Squier made a plan of part 
of these ruins, 31 the importance of which plan consists in 
giving lines of structures south of what is called l i Temple 
of the Sun. ' ' To-day no traces of them remain beyond one 
well preserved anden and vestiges of others. I am not sure, 
however, that these terraces are ancient, as the whole is 
under cultivation, hence I have not indicated them on the 
general plan of Kasapata. The most prominent building is 
the one to which the Indians give the name of ' ' Temple of 
the Sun." It appears to have contained but a single large 
hall. Its outside length is 166 feet, its width on the west 
thirty-six, on the east forty. The walls, which are fairly 
built and laid in mud, are three feet thick, and rise not over 
six feet above the ground in their present condition. Three 
doorways, slightly tapering, stand close to each other in 



204 THE ISLANDS OF TITIOACA AND KOATI 

the western half of the northern front. They are of unequal 
size. Inside, the western and eastern walls have each four 
small niches, and the southern side has two. Otherwise the 
interior, as well as the exterior, is plain. It may be that 
there was a doorway to the south, as indicated on Mr. 
Squier's plan, but we could not find the two eastern door- 
ways on the northern front marked in his diagram. We 
found ^.ve window-like openings elevated from the ground 
four and one half feet and of about the width of those at 
Pucara, but not as tall, possibly because the upper part of 
the wall is destroyed. The northern front has stepping- 
stones for scaling the walls. Whether this indicates the 
former existence of an upper story we could not ascertain. 
There is no trace of a superstructure, still less of the roof. 
Why this building should be called a " temple' ' I cannot 
imagine. Some of the historians of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, who saw the edifice in a better state of preservation, 
assign to it an entirely different purpose. 

, It stands on a plateau, or esplanade, 250 feet wide, oc- 
cupying the highest place close to the isthmus on the west, 
and terminating abruptly both east and west. Farther 
down, the declivity on each side shows traces of ancient 
andenes. One hundred and sixty feet to the north of the 
" temple' ' an ancient wall, partly rebuilt of late, traverses 
the isthmus from east to west. North of it the plateau 
extends in slightly varying width for another 160 feet to 
the base of Llaq'-aylli ; so that this ancient wall divides 
the neck into two equal sections. The base of Llaq'-aylli 
is formed by a handsome anden 224 feet long, part of 
which shows traces of former buildings which the Indians 
boast of having destroyed for the sake of treasure-hunt- 
ing. Of these buildings there remain part of the founda- 
tions—two sides only, so that no accurate idea can be 
gathered of size— and an interesting doorway, very well 
made. The details of this doorway, which opens on 
andenes of the slope of Llaq'-aylli, are given on this plan. 



eg 

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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 205 

The masonry is far handsomer than any at Pilco-Kayma or 
Pucara, and the lintel, consisting of a single thin slab, is 
particularly well cut. It is a gateway rather than a door, 
its walls measuring at least five feet in thickness. In Mr. 
Squier's time, already, the northern part of the esplanade 
was a greensward, nearly in the midst of which lies a huge 
block, rudely chipped. 32 The Indians call it a block of 
sacrifice, and say that its lower side is elaborately carved. 
We did our utmost to induce them to overturn the stone, 
but in vain. So that, while the upper surface indeed shows 
traces of artificial changes, we cannot affirm the same of 
the lower. At the base of Llaq'-aylli is another large stone 
resembling a seat, the back of which has a groove. This is 
believed to have been a sacrificial block also. The groove is 
artificial, and there is no doubt about human sacrifices on 
Titicaca. The description which Ramos gives of them may 
lead to the surmise that the block first described served 
such a purpose. He states : ' ' They placed them on a large 
slab, the face turned up to heaven, and pulling them by the 
neck placed over it a slab (?) or smooth stone somewhat 
broad, and with another stone they pounded on it so hard, 
that within a short time they took their life away from 
them." 33 Elsewhere he remarks that the victims were 
sometimes smothered, by stuffing their mouths with ground 
coca; and again that they were killed by cutting their 
throats. 34 The fact of human sacrifices seems established 
by nearly all the older sources, 35 yet it is not safe so far to 
assert that the blocks at Kasapata were sacrificial stones. 

Of the andenes covering the slopes of Llaq'-aylli I have 
already spoken. I have also mentioned that at Kasapata 
we initiated our excavations on the Island. These excava- 
tions having revealed interesting features, I shall devote 
some space to an account of them. 

The first work was done at a spot determined by the 
indications of Manuel Mamani the wizard, and in order to 
humor him; but we soon found that he either had little 



206 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

knowledge of the ruins, or that he desired us to waste our 
time, profitably for himself and other Indians, but with 
little result for ourselves. We found that we had struck 
only a ruined anden that yielded broken pottery, whorls, 
and especially animal bones partly boiled and gnawed. 
Some copper also was found. We abandoned the place, 
after making a trench eighteen feet long, five feet wide, and 
eight deep at the upper side, and probing the sod all around, 
without result. We then moved on to the opposite slope of 
the isthmus and there very soon brought to light the founda- 
tions of some building. The eastern end of it was gone, the 
stones having been removed to make room for cultivation, 
but the end abutting against the eastern edge of the plateau 
was intact. Here we discovered three rooms, the middle 
one being forty feet long and at least eighteen feet wide. 
The rooms to the right and left of it had been so disturbed 
that no idea could be obtained of their size. The northern 
one was separated from the middle by an alley about twenty 
inches wide, and the thickness of the walls was three and 
four feet, respectively. On the south of the central apart- 
ment were two parallel alleys not over eighteen inches in 
width, the wall separating them being four and a half feet 
thick, while the side of the southern room, or remainder of 
a room, was only three feet thick. Of these two alleys one 
runs clear through to the base of the plateau, the other 
makes an angle, so as to encompass the central hall on two 
sides, without communicating with the alley that separates 
the northern apartment from the esplanade. The founda- 
tions were set in the ground, not over four feet and mostly 
only two. The masonry was fairly done, and though the 
angles are not absolutely correct, yet they are approxi- 
mately so. No floor of any kind could be detected. 

Inside of the rooms thus uncovered the amount of arte- 
facts was comparatively small, but the narrow alleys and 
the space south, where all traces of walls had been ob- 
literated, were densely packed with potsherds. This pot- 





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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 207 

tery is mostly decorated with intricate designs in vivid 
colors, far superior to those on the so-called Chullpa pot- 
tery. Wherever shapes could be recognized they showed 
more attractive forms. The clay and burning find their 
equals only in red and black goblets taken out of Chullpa 
cysts, whereas the decoration is much more artistic. It 
was clear that we had before us a higher development of 
ceramic art, completely distinct from that on the coast, and 
corresponding in every way to what may be called the Cuzco 
or Inca type of pottery. Euder specimens were also found 
alongside of necks of jars and fragments of huge urns 
painted in brilliant hues with very elaborate, mostly geo- 
metrical designs. Of plastic ornaments, the cat's head 
placed on urns and pitchers as knobs, heads of water-fowl 
as handles to flat saucers, were quite common. Some of the 
plain vessels or sherds were covered with soot, and char- 
coal was taken out here and there. Bones of animals, among 
which the Indians at once recognized the indigenous deer, 
the vicuna and the llama, were found with the sherds, also 
copper implements, mostly topos, and one of silver. Such 
pieces were usually buried at a level lower than the founda- 
tions. The majority of objects came from the alleys which 
were packed with what appeared to be refuse from the 
buildings. It might be that when the ground at Kasapata 
was first tilled again, broken pottery and rubbish were 
heaped up in the narrow alleys ; but this is scarcely prob- 
able, as, if the cultivators wished to get rid of such obstacles, 
they had the easier way of throwing them into the Lake, 
instead of reburying them where they would remain in the 
way of the hoe or plow. Hence we concluded that, while 
we had brought to light at least three rooms of an ancient 
structure, or perhaps three ancient houses, we had also 
uncovered the place whither refuse was thrown. Among 
the animal bones many had been boiled or cooked. Of stone 
implements few were taken out, and, while the presence 
of charred and smoked pottery as well as of animal remains 



208 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

indicates cooking, not a household article of stone, like the 
grinding slab or mortar, was met with. This may be due to 
the Indian custom of securing such articles for present use. 
Of human remains there was not a trace. 

After probing, without result, the whole length of the 
slightly inclined plane on which the excavation had been 
made, and thus confirming the statements of the Indians 
that this locality had been thoroughly ransacked a long 
time ago, we moved on to the Esplanade. The part of it 
fronting the " temple' ' did not seem promising, as it ap- 
peared either to have been excavated long before or to 
contain nothing. The latter proved to be the case. An old 
Indian living on the site told us that faint traces of walls 
were seen formerly on the part of the plateau adjoining 
the transverse wall in front of the "temple." We accord- 
ingly began there, and soon had the pleasure of bringing to 
light vestiges of three buildings not indicated on the plan of 
Mr. Squier. Hence they must have been destroyed, their 
foundations covered up, and forgotten long ago. Even 
these foundations are partly obliterated. 

Contiguous to the transverse wall we found a building of 
four compartments. The two middle ones are narrower 
than the eastern (a), and the western seems to have been a 
court. The western wall of the latter is almost destroyed. 
The length of the first three, which probably formed the 
building proper, is sixty-four feet, that of the annex, thirty. 
Width on the eastern end is eighteen, on the western six- 
teen, and there is a trace of a continuation of the former 
along the edge of the terrace. The second or middle room 
has a recess. We excavated this quadrangle thoroughly to 
a depth of four feet at least, so as to reach the hard yel- 
lowish marl with chert and pebbles, called "chillu," that 
forms the usual substratum. No human vestiges of any 
kind may be expected in this very compact formation. We 
found handsome fragments, among them necks of very 
large jars, but there was, on the whole, less pottery than in 



od cows' 1 



Plate XL VII 

1. Ground-plan of Kasapata and Llaq'-aylli. 2. Tambo or so-called temple 
of Kasapata. 3. Niches in wall of Tambo. 4, 5. Stepping- 
stones in wall of Tambo. 6. Doorway in Tambo. 
7. Window or upper entrance in Tambo 




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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 209 

the previous excavation. In the two western rooms five 
hollow cylinders, quite thick, of clay, of different sizes, were 
found. The perforation is like a funnel, flaring at the top 
and with a comparatively small orifice at the bottom. Their 
original position is indicated on the plan. Our first im- 
pression was that they were hearths, but we soon recognized 
them as bases, or stands, for large jugs and jars, the bot- 
toms of which are conical, in which the Indians preserved 
chicha, and underneath which a fire was sometimes kindled 
in order to accelerate fermentation. 36 Necks of such jars 
were found close by. These bases, or stands, were all 
placed against the walls, either main or transverse. In 
room 2 of the same building were two grinding slabs with 
their grinders. A part of the room was paved with slabs ; 
the first artificial floor we met in the ruins. A copper knife 
and some beads of azurite were also obtained here. 

No human remains of any kind were found in the first 
three apartments, but in the last eight stone cysts came to 
light. One was that of an adult, while the other seven were 
of children. This feature, and the fact that hardly any 
artefacts occurred in this compartment, led us to infer, that 
it was probably an annex, or enclosure, and not a room 
proper. The depth of the children's graves beneath the 
surface varied between seven and eighteen inches. The 
larger cyst, manifestly the grave of an adult, was a foot 
under ground; counting, in every case, to the cover of the 
cyst. The six small graves were different from any of those 
called Chullpa. They were chests made of stone plates set 
on edge, rather neatly fitted, and from six to ten inches 
high. The covers were thin slabs. In each of these graves 
was the skeleton of a child unaccompanied by artefacts. We 
could preserve very few of the vestiges and these only in a 
broken state. Skulls lay invariably on the west side, the 
feet on the east, and the hands had been folded across the 
breast. From the dimensions of the cysts it is apparent 
that the seven bodies were about of the same size, hence the 



210 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

children more or less of the same age. Within the same 
court or annex we found, in loose earth, but blackened by 
fire, a handsome spoon or ladle of clay, a handsomely 
painted sherd, and a spinning- whorl. 

The larger cyst contained the remains of at least one 
adult. Fragments of human bones and one molar was all 
we found, and these at nineteen inches below the cover. 
The cyst, while nearly circular and resembling many of the 
Chullpa burials, was constructed with greater care. The 
existence of this grave so close to those of the children 
might lead to the inference that a family had been buried 
there; but the nearly equal size of the seven smaller skel- 
etons and the proximity of the stones represented as 
"sacrificial" by the Indians, together with the statements of 
chroniclers that for human sacrifices children were taken in 
preference, favor a supposition that the seven little graves 
were those of as many victims. Possibly an examination of 
the few fragments of bones and skulls which we could 
transmit to the Museum may lead to some clue. These 
eight graves the Indians emphatically declared to be Inca. 37 

We continued examining the plateau, and found the 
foundations of another group. Two rooms or halls came to 
light, one of which may have been originally connected with 
the western annex, and the other is an approximate rectangle 
measuring forty-seven by twenty feet, with walls of un- 
equal thickness. This apartment, or building, stands on 
the western rim of the esplanade and is connected with the 
terrace north of it by a wall forty- eight feet long and about 
two feet thick. Here we found two more grinding slabs 
and potsherds with handsome designs, but not as many as 
in the previous excavations. 

The most diligent probing and digging on the esplanade 
did not reveal more until we came to the northeastern cor- 
ner. There a wall was uncovered which may have originally 
run along the whole eastern border of the plateau. Pot- 
sherds, some with beautiful designs, were scattered through 



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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 211 

the soil. Thirty-six feet south of the rocks which terminate 
the lowest terrace of Llaq'-aylli (4) our men found what 
seemed to be another grave. Its upper rim was struck at a 
depth of twenty-one inches, and over it was a rude slab 
thirty-four by eighteen inches, and four inches thick. Un- 
derneath this cover was earth containing two large bones, 
then a mixture of earth and stone, more bones, and coarse 
sherds. Further digging proved that it was not a grave, 
but a tank, suggestive of a bath. We laid open a rectan- 
gular sink, twenty-one inches beneath the surface, from 
thirty-six to forty inches deep, eight feet long inside, two 
feet wide at the northern and nineteen inches at the south- 
ern end, lined with a well built wall of stone one foot in 
average thickness. On the eastern side there protruded 
from this wall, at two feet below its rim, two stepping- 
stones. The floor was of stone-flags, a foot thick on an 
average, and beneath them nothing but soil. What seemed 
to indicate a bath was a channel, made of smaller stones 
and emptying into the southern end of the tank. This 
channel was from four to six inches wide, and thirteen and 
a half feet long. Its depth to the bottom paved with plates 
of stone nicely joined was six inches below the level of the 
ground. The sides were about four inches thick. It issued 
from a circular space three feet in diameter, one foot deep, 
also paved. Further investigations revealed nothing. 

We were naturally led to the supposition that we had 
before us an ancient bath, with its channel, through which 
the water entered the tank, and the stepping-stones to 
facilitate going in and out of it. I must call attention to the 
proximity of this contrivance to the so-called block of sacri- 
fice, the circular depression or head of the channel lying 
twenty-four feet from it, between it and the tank. Without 
expressing any opinion, I note this coincidence, calling at- 
tention to the custom of human sacrifices, and to the ob- 
jection that for filling the tank the channel was unnecessary, 
since the water had to be brought from the Lake, there 



212 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

being no trace of a reservoir or spring, and the Indians 
disclaiming any knowledge of one or the other. Around 
this place nothing more was discovered except loose stones 
buried in the sod, and potsherds, but the Indians asserted 
that many rocks had been removed by them from all over 
the surface. 

The group of ruins described is, of all the so-called Inca 
remains on the Island, the most extensive cluster of some 
compactness, the only one which might be called a small 
ancient village. At least the northern half of the esplanade 
and the lower terrace of Llaq'-aylli were at one time covered 
with buildings. What we found in our excavations justifies 
the opinion that the buildings were occupied by households, 
as well as the structures on the eastern declivity. What 
the building was to which the name of "Temple of the 
Sun" has been given, is the question. We know little of 
the Inca edifices called " temples." 38 But it is not to be 
overlooked that Eamos, Calancha, and Cobo place the 
"Temple of the Sun" close to the Sacred Rock, not at Kasa- 
pata! In regard to the latter site, Cobo, who visited the 
Island previous to 1619, says, after locating the Temple of 
the Sun about a mile from Kasapata by air line, that Tupac 
Yupanqui, the Inca chieftain to whom he attributes the 
occupation of the Island, formed, for the Mitimaes, who in 
their greater number were Incas, a middle-sized pueblo 
half a league in advance of the temple, and in it he had a 
dwelling erected for himself. 39 Eamos, who wrote about 
the same time, completely independent of Cobo, states: 
"Copacabana once regulated, the same monarch established 
another middle-sized village on the Island, about half a 
league from the Sacred Eock; and there constructed his 
royal palace, the ruins of which are probably those that are 
seen in front of the Temple of the Sun on a hill toward the 
east." 40 The italicized part is from the pen of the modern 
editor, Father Sans, because Calancha, who made abundant 
use of the work of Eamos, omits it, stating: "Tupac Ynga 



rcxfT 
oSHifciT moil < 



Plate XLIX 

Personal ornaments from, various parts of Titicaca Island, 
chiefly from Kasapata 

Thirty-one Beads of stone, shell, turquoise, and lazulite (also possibly 

nephrite). a. Toy pitcher. b. Bronze figurine (pendant) 

originally from Tiahuanaco 



ANCIENT KUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 213 

founded a middle-sized pueblo, almost half a league previous 
to coming to the rock, and in it reared his royal palace, 
poor in its architecture, but very rich in the treasure of 
its income." 41 The distance agrees with the position of 
Kasapata, and if the large house there was the edifice 
designated by these authors as a "palace," it deserves 
Calancha's epithet of "poor" in architecture. It was a 
public edifice of some kind, and I venture the suggestion 
that it was a "tambo" or place for quartering visitors, 
also military escorts such as an important war chief 
would have with him. The edifice has nothing "palatial," 
and for a place of worship its interior lacks the essen- 
tial feature of tall and elaborate niches. 42 To-day it is a 
long hall, capable of accommodating a number of people 
that would crowd together at night, as Indians are wont 
to do. 

The belief that the houses at Kasapata were those of an 
Inca settlement is supported by the nature of the artefacts 
found ; especially by the pottery. Cuzco ceramics are char- 
acteristic and easily recognized. Isolated specimens, widely 
scattered, are not sufficient evidence of former occupation 
of the site by their makers ; but at Kasapata nearly all the 
pottery bears the same specific type, that of Cuzco, and we 
may with reasonable safety admit that a settlement of 
Cuzco Indians existed in sufficient numbers to manufacture 
the ware on the site. In the case of the Island, the evidence 
from Spanish sources is conclusive that its occupation by 
the Inca took place during the term of office of the third 
last war chief, counting back from the first Spanish landing 
and from Huascar as the last. Hence the settlement at 
Kasapata must have taken place within less than a hundred 
years previous to 1531, and probably within less than sev- 
enty years, that is, in the last quarter of the fifteenth cen- 
tury. 43 It is not likely that in such a short lapse of time 
the type of ceramics could have undergone as radical a 
change as that from Chullpa pottery to Inca; hence it is 



214 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

likely that the settlement at Kasapata was mainly one of 
Indians who came to the Island from Cuzco, not long 
previous to the Spanish conquest. 

Proceeding northwestward from Kasapata, we reach 
that group of Indian ruins to which clings most of the 
legendary lore of Titicaca. The northwestern end of the 
Island is its bleakest part. On the trail from Kasapata to 
Muro-kato, where vestiges of aboriginal occupation are 
again met, the slopes, while not utterly devoid of verdure, 
are mostly rocky. Seams of coal crop out in places, and 
curious erosions attract attention. The "kara" predom- 
inates among plants, and its fleshy, serrated leaves, and the 
black trunks of decaying specimens, cast a somber hue. The 
grand chain of the Bolivian Andes has dropped out of sight, 
and the eastern shore, dark and monotonous, bounds the 
horizon. On very clear days distant peaks belonging to 
the snowy range of Charassani, and in the far north the 
Nevados of Kunu-rona and Vilcanota in Peru loom up 
in faint outline. The general impression is one of chilling 
monotony. The narrow path gradually rises from Kasa- 
pata to about three hundred and seventy feet above the 
Lake. To the left are the bald crests of the Calvario. 
Animal life seems to remain behind us and finally to dis- 
appear. 

Half an hour's slow walking brings us in sight of the 
so-called Sacred Kock, or Titi-kala— literally: rock of the 
wildcat, for "titi" is the Aymara name for that feline in 
the Lake district. The point from which the rock is first 
seen lies on the eastern slope of Muro-kato (3). Titi-kala, 
though not as tall as ridges south and north of it, is 
peculiarly situated. It is the highest point on the neck of 
land, and from it both the eastern and western shores of the 
Lake can be scanned for quite a distance. Tradition re- 
corded in the seventeenth century and repeated at this day, 
says that Titi-kala was formerly covered with plates of 
silver and gold in order that, when the sun rose, the rock 



Plate L 
Inca vessel of clay with stand of unburnt clay from Kasapata 









V 



ANCIENT EUINS ON THE ISLAND OP TITICACA 215 

might, from both shores, appear as in a blaze of light which 
should be a signal to the Indians along the Lake to bow in 
worship. 44 This pleasing romance is not confirmed by the 
report of the first Spanish visitors (July 15, 1534). They 
merely say of the rock: "They go to make their offerings 
and perform their sacrifices on a large stone that is on the 
Island, called Thichicasa, which, either because the devil 
conceals himself there and speaks to them, or because it is 
an ancient custom . . . , or for some other reason which 
may never be found out, they of the whole province hold in 
great esteem and offer to it gold and silver. There are [on 
this Island] more than six hundred Indian attendants of 
this place, and more than a thousand women, who manu- 
facture Chicca (chicha) to throw it on this rock. . . ." 45 
It is likely that, if the sacred cliff had had such a valuable 
coating as later chroniclers report from hearsay, the first 
Spaniards would either have seen it or heard of it, and they 
would not have failed to make mention of it upon their 
return to Cuzco. The face of Titi-kala is turned to the 
west, and the sun does not strike it at sunrise; the gentle 
slope of it descends to the east, and the rock has in fact 
nothing striking at first sight. 

At that point (10) our attention was arrested by a ruined 
wall. "What is left of it does not suggest good workman- 
ship. Piles of rude stones and pillars of uncut rock form 
a line of debris to the crest of Muro-kato. They indicate 
that Itan-pata, as this wall is called to-day, was not in- 
tended for defense. It rises for a length of 546 feet, then 
crosses thirty-five feet of level, and descends steeply 384 
feet more to the west over beetling rocks and thorny shrub- 
bery, terminating at the edge of a group of very handsome 
andenes. The wall therefore, together with the andenes of 
Chucaripu, as they are called (d), divided this end of the 
Island from the rest. On the crest, outside of the wall, are 
faint vestiges of two quadrangular structures. They are 
like guardhouses to an entrance, built after the manner of 



216 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

those on the coast of Peru and in the north, that is, a nar- 
row passage forming an elbow. 

Descending from (10), the remains of an ancient road, 
called Incan-taqui or Inca-road, are soon encountered. This 
road, where measurable, has a width not exceeding ten feet. 
It is lined with small curbstones, and has steps built of 
fairly smoothed slabs. The width of the steps varies. On 
a length of forty feet and a vertical fall of ten we counted 
twelve. The bottom, which the Indians call Mama-ojlia (we 
also heard the name Inak-uyu), lies east of the plateau on 
which the Sacred Eock stands and slopes gently to the 
Lake. It is mostly terraced and bears the vestiges of at 
least four small buildings. Three of them stand west of 
the trail, the largest one is on the east and somewhat lower 
(6). To this last building the name Mama-ojlia is more 
particularly given. The structure measures sixty by 
twenty-nine feet; its walls are about thirty inches thick, 
and it is in fact a rectangular platform raised four feet 
above the surrounding level with about a foot of walls 
above its surface, which is of clay or earth. This wall en- 
closes three sides only, as on the south the platform joins 
a higher terrace. It presents the appearance either of an 
esplanade with a low parapet, or of a hall without niches, 
doorways, or windows. Popular lore makes of it the ruins 
of a " house of nuns,'' or cloister, whereas it recalls the 
large building at Kasapata, and, with its three smaller 
companions, also the outhouses at Pilco-kayma. Others 
have told us that these buildings were the dwellings of 
people guarding the approaches to the Sacred Eock. 
Beyond them the trail winds along the rocky slopes of 
Muro-kato for a short distance, and here again are a few 
well made stone steps, sometimes called by the Indians 
Kenti-puncu, and said to have been one of the gateways 
through which the enclosure of the Sacred Eock was en- 
tered. 46 In the bottom, previous to reaching the little 
houses, the road or trail crosses a fillet of clear water run- 



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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 217 

ning in a well made channel of stone. Above Kenti-puncu 
large nodules of limonite appear, two of which, each about 
three feet long, have the outline of huge mocassins. These 
marks are called "Tracks of the Sun," or of sun and 
moon, the largest being those of the moon, according to 
some Indians. They existed in the seventeenth century, and 
Father Cobo, who recognizes them as natural, says the 
Indians ascribe to them supernatural origin. 47 Hence the 
tradition may antedate the conquest. A short distance 
above them the trail, which here is simply worn out by 
travel, lands on the terraced edge of the greensward in 
front of the Sacred Eock. 

This area covers an approximate surface of two hundred 
and fifty by one hundred and eighty feet. From it we again 
obtain a view to the west. We overlook the northern Bay 
of Kona, darkened by the tall ridge of Kakayo-kena and 
the green bottom below. The long and narrow Island of 
Kochi lies athwart the bay. In the northwest the slopes of 
Ticani appear, almost precipitous, but still green. The 
summit of Ticani is bald, beyond it the vertical rocks of 
Turi-turini shut off the view. 

The impression created by the dreary Bolivian shores in 
the east, and the monotonous coast line of Peru in the west 
is almost dismal. It is the least accessible part of Titicaca, 
the one most distant from the mainland. Its western slopes 
are partly tillable, and good water is plentiful. Close to 
the Sacred Eock is a handsome spring ; there is another at 
the Chincana, one at the andenes of Chucaripu, besides 
several others near by. 

The level in front of the rock has been disturbed by 
desultory excavating. From the statements of Eamos, and 
of Cobo, I gather that this level was a free space, with, per- 
haps, a wall of enclosure. 48 There are stone heaps on it, as 
well as on the slope of Muro-kato. They look like rubbish 
from former diggings rather than remains of edifices that, 
under any circumstances, could only have been very small. 



218 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Titi-kala is an outcrop running approximately from 
northwest to southeast for a distance of one hundred and 
ninety feet, then one hundred and thirty feet from west- 
northwest to east-southeast. Its greatest elevation above 
the sward is not over twenty-five feet. The material is 
reddish carboniferous sandstone, the strata being tilted at 
a considerable angle. 49 Hence the eastern slope of the 
rock is a slide, whereas its western face is cut off sharply 
and contains a number of natural cavities. One of these, 
the largest one, may, by dint of imagination, be thought to 
resemble a crown. Above it are smaller cavities, like rudely 
carved cats' heads. From these, it is said, the Island and 
finally the Lake obtained their name, "kaka" (rock) having 
been substituted for "kala" (stone). Another etymology 
derives the word Titikaka from the Quichua term "titi," 
lead, and "kaka," which signifies rock in that idiom also. 
Still another interpretation considers Titicaca to be a cor- 
ruption of "Inticaca": "Rock of the Sun." 50 On the level 
in front are some prismatic stones of andesite— a rock not 
in situ on the Island— that are very well cut and seem to 
have formed parts of some wall. Similar blocks exist at 
Yampupata, on the Copacavana Peninsula, on which an- 
desite is found in abundance. Whether the first mentioned 
blocks belonged to some edifice that faced the Sacred Rock 
or to remains still extant on the northwestern end of the 
level, is unknown. 

The latter ruins are very much destroyed. They form 
a quadrangle, the southeastern corner of which is occupied 
by a hump nearly as tall as Titi-kala and over sixty feet 
in length. The low and niched wall connecting the eastern 
corner of this outcrop with the face of Titi-kala is ninety 
feet long, to which length must be added ten feet built 
against an entering angle of the latter. There the cliff of 
Titi-kala shuts off the level on a length of sixty-four feet. 
Then follows a wall forty-eight feet long, because the rock 
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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 219 

and shrubbery, rendering it difficult to distinguish de- 
tails. 

By removing as far as possible a mass of building 
material in the shape of fairly broken blocks of stone, an 
alley two feet in width was discovered running between 
walls three feet high, the outer of which was two and the 
inner not quite four feet thick. We could not follow this 
alley to its western end, rubbish and shrubbery rendering 
it impossible. But wq saw that the wall (or walls) termi- 
nated in what appeared to be a large niche or room with a 
front of at least fourteen feet, the southern side of which 
was flanked by foundations. This front was in line with 
the western margin of the area, and that margin showed 
traces of either a rim of masonry or of a number of com- 
partments like those of the wing of some building. Sixteen 
feet further west and at a lower level were similar traces 
that seemed to indicate a long building with a number of 
cells or rooms. The whole was so disturbed that this was 
all we could detect. On the west side of the area are also 
traces of a wall running from the edge of the big western 
outcrop to the southwestern corner, so that the whole may 
have been either an enclosure or a building with a court in 
the middle, or an L-shaped structure occupying the north 
and west sides of a court. The last seems most probable. 
The Indians asserted that they knew of the existence of a 
building on this spot and had seen traces of cells on the 
northern side. 51 

The situation of these ruins fairly agrees with the state- 
ments about the position of the so-called "Temple of the 
Sun" by Eamos. It is stated by Cobo that the structure 
stood "on the east side, and forty paces from the rock." 52 
Eamos says: "On the side of a level, about thirty paces 
from the rock, are the houses of the sun, of thunder and 
lightning, which the Indians greatly respected. Further on, 
in the ravine that faces the road from Juli to Pomata, was 
the store-house of the sun . . . vulgarly called Chingana, 



220 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

which is to say, 'a place where people lose themselves. ' " 53 
The Chincana stands northwest of the ruins which I have 
just described, hence it is not unlikely that these are the 
remains of the Temple of the Sun! In that case the edifice, 
or cluster of edifices, cannot have extended beyond the 
enclosed area just described, and this area measures 100 
feet by 112. The entrance on one side is suggestive of a 
court and not of a building, so that the " temple' ' probably 
consisted of two wings, one on the southwest and another 
on the northwest. 54 It may be that the well cut blocks of 
Andesite mentioned above came from these structures. 

The suggestion that the " temple' ' occupied, with its an- 
nexes, one or two sides of the quadrangular space in front 
of the rock, and now turned into a greensward, is supported 
by the evidence of the first two Spanish visitors to the 
Island. They report: "In the center of the lake are two 
small islands, in one of which is a mosque temple, and house 
of the sun which is held in great veneration and in it [ !] 
they go to present their offerings and perform their sacri- 
fices on a large stone that is on the island, called Thichicasa y 
where,' ' etc. 55 (Italics are mine.) The stone, which is 
the same as the Sacred Eock, could not be inside of the 
"temple," but was connected with the buildings. Hence 
the level in front of the rock was an open square, one side 
of which was occupied by the hallowed cliff, and possibly 
two sides by the Temple of the Sun and accessories. 

The surroundings of Titi-kala have long ago been searched 
and rifled. The Garces collection, now at the Museum, con- 
tains gold and silver figurines from this vicinity. The 
concurrent testimony of the former owners of the collection, 
as well as of Indians from the Island who excavated for 
these owners, is that most of the figures of llamas, if not all, 
came from this neighborhood, as also the small pins of gold 
and of silver. The latter were probably with textile fabrics 
burnt in sacrifice, the pins showing traces of fire. 56 

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ANCIENT KUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 221 

the southern slope of Muro-kato, near ' ' Chucaripu-pata. 9 ' 
A few inches below the surface was found a stone chest, 
now at the Museum, which contained a most remarkably 
beautiful poncho. Somewhere in that neighborhood another 
chest was exhumed that still remains on the Island, and 
also contained a poncho. In fact, ^.ve of the six handsome 
tissues of the Garces collection were obtained from this end 
of Titicaca, but three of them were dug up so long ago that 
the exact locality cannot be ascertained. 

I do not place great reliance on local names given by the 
Indians of the Island. Hence I simply record, without any 
guarantee, the name of Tican-aychi stated to us as that of 
the ruins connected with the Sacred Eock, and of T'ana 
for those lying north of Muro-kato in general. The latter 
name would thus apply collectively to Titi-kala, to the bot- 
tom of Mama-ojlia, and to the promontory of Sicuyu. 

About four hundred and fifty feet northwest of the Sacred 
Eock, on the upper western declivity, lies the complicated 
structure which already in the beginning of the seven- 
teenth century was known as Chincana, or " place where 
people lose themselves. ' ' To-day it is called the ' ' palace ' ' ; 
whereas Eamos and Cobo declare it was a dispensa, or 
store-house. 57 It consists of two wings built on a rapid 
slope descending to the Lake, from the shores of which its 
lowest walls are about three hundred and fifty feet distant. 
It will be seen that its southern wing stands on higher 
ground than the northern, that that wing has at least two, 
and probably three, open courts, and that several of the 
passages are still covered, whereas one at least was origi- 
nally without roof. The thickness of the walls of this wing 
varies greatly, the extremes being two and six feet, and 
similar variations occur from one room to another, in 
places. The walls are still of an average height of six to 
eight feet, showing that comparatively little deterioration 
has taken place, although there is shrubbery around it and 
in nearly every corner. 



222 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

At first sight it seems as if this wing had been two- 
storied, but on closer examination we notice that the west- 
ern rooms, south of the uncovered passage way, simply 
stand on lower ground than the eastern. The western rooms 
have an elevation of more than twelve feet (see accompany- 
ing plans), and what remains of the roof shows that it 
was, like that of the tallest apartments of the Pilco-kayma, 
made of successively projecting slabs so as to form a primi- 
tive vault. Other roofs show the same kind of ceilings. In 
long covered gangways and narrow chambers the ceilings 
are flat, as in the inner rooms of the Pilco-kayma. The 
irregular angles of the edifice result from the inability of 
its builders to accommodate the ground to the structure. 
This also explains the variations in thickness of walls. It 
looks as if the building had been erected at different periods, 
additions being made as required. The stone- work is like 
that of the Pilco-kayma, of Pucara, and of Kasapata ; that 
is, superior to the Chullpa type, but inferior to that of 
handsomely built andenes. Lintels are formed by a single 
slab. One of these is six feet long and one foot thick. Some 
lintels are rough, others but slightly chipped on the edges. 
The doorways vary in width between two and (in a single 
instance— the entrance to an open court) eight feet. Some 
taper, others have vertical sides. One doorway terminates 
in a primitive arch. The true arch is nowhere found. 
Niches are plentiful but neither as tall nor as elaborate as 
at the Kayma or at Pucara. The whole complex structure 
has but one small air-hole, to which the name of window 
cannot in justice be given. The Chincana must, therefore, 
have been a very uncomfortable abode. Among the niches 
there is one quite tall, which terminates in a primitive arch. 
In this niche are still traces of a clay coating painted red 
and yellow, like the ruins of Tambo Colorado, near Pisco, 
on the coast. In general, the Chincana reminds one of that 
ruin in size and arrangement. 

A wall runs from the northwestern corner of the southern 



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ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 223 

wing in a northerly direction, making an angle to the west. 
This wall is the highest part of the ruin ; it is four feet thick 
and has a succession of niches on both sides. Its length is 
seventy-two feet. From the northwestern corner it descends 
to the west fifteen feet, to meet the northeastern corner of 
the northern wing. 

The latter is smaller than the southern, but wherever its 
walls are not reduced to rubbish heaps they appear more 
substantial. The rooms are more regular in shape, their 
angles being truer. It stands lower than the other wing, 
and the second tier of rooms is about eight feet lower than 
the first. It is built on a rather steep incline, and at the 
lower end reduced to shapeless heaps of debris. Clearly 
defined, however, is a long alley leading from the western 
end of the ruin to the two upper exits, one of which is into 
the sunken part of the edifice, and the other into a space 
between both wings. This passage has on one side a well- 
built wall eight feet high and four feet thick. The ascent 
is partly on an inclined plane, partly on short steps of 
stone. The peculiarity of this passage consists in that it 
presents the same features as many gangways found in 
ruins on the Peruvian coast, namely, at irregular distances 
short walls project alternately from one side and the other, 
as if for interception and protection in case of assault from 
the side of the Lake. It is one of the few traces of defensive 
contrivances noticed by us on the Island. There are two 
lower exits from this lane. One is an open sally upon the 
edge of a terrace, the other a graded way, now in ruins, 
turning to the south and passing between the lowest com- 
partments and a tall rectangular structure on the extreme 
corner of the wing. This structure is, unfortunately, in 
ruins, but it suggests a watchtower or guardhouse over- 
looking approach from the Lake. The only air-hole or 
window, in the northern wing, opens toward the Lake-side. 

The area between the two wings is sloping and consider- 
ably broken. Immediately below the niched wall connecting 



224 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

them are a few ruined andenes. Then follows an open 
space containing a spring enclosed by walls that, appar- 
ently, have never been much higher than three or four feet. 
Close by this spring is a seat of stone. Further down, 
traces of walls extend northward, from the southern wing, 
toward the middle of the slope. A sluice has formed at the 
base of the northern wing, which may be recent, but it is 
also possible that its formation is ancient. This is sug- 
gested by a low wall running out some distance from the 
southeastern corner of the southern wing, and by two 
slabs of rock, one of which is still in place, while the 
other has been moved. The one still in place is four 
feet tall, its length five feet two inches, thickness fif- 
teen inches. The other measures four feet seven inches, 
by four feet, and is twelve inches thick. They appear like 
parts of a gateway. .There is also, east of these slabs, a 
piece of wall indicating that the ravine was originally lined 
with stones. Of the space between the two wings of the 
Chincana Eamos says: "In its center it had an orchard of 
rows of alisos (Alnus acuminata), the constant freshness 
of which maintained a perpetual spring issuing there. In 
the shade of these trees the Inca constructed curious baths 
for the sun and its worship." 58 Cobo expresses himself in 
nearly the same terms. 59 It may be, therefore, that the ra- 
vine was a drainage-channel from the spring to the Lake. 
At present, the surroundings of the spring are wet, but not 
enough to moisten more than the small enclosure around 
the basin. Beyond the southern wing are vestiges of an- 
denes. North of the Chincana the rock crops out, and the 
flanks of Ticani are but scantily overgrown. That height 
descends to the Lake in steep declivities, on which ex- 
cavations by the owners have disclosed well-built andenes. 
To-day the Chincana is called "Palace of the Inca." It 
looks like a communal dwelling of moderate size. One hun- 
dred and fifty Indians might have found room in it for 
shelter. But only for shelter! The apartments are so dark, 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 225 

so ill-ventilated, that they offered not as much comfort as 
an agglomeration of Indian huts to-day. The plan shows 
how much space is occupied by courts, passages and gang- 
ways, in proportion to rooms or cells. 

About eight hundred feet southeast of the Chincana, 
separated from it by undulations of the ground on a steep 
incline, with a few scattered andenes of small extent, lies 
the plateau called Chucaripu-pata, an irregular quadrangle, 
originally level, now completely overturned through ex- 
cavations. This quadrangle appears to have been a plat- 
form lined by walls and surrounded by lower terraces on 
three sides, whereas in the northeast it abuts against a 
higher plane on the flanks of Muro-kato. The northeastern 
side of this platform measures at present 182 feet, the north- 
western 258, the southwestern 192, and the southeastern only 
188 ; but these are not original dimensions. Very few traces 
of buildings remain on this plateau, which overlooks the Lake 
and the Peruvian coast, dominating, so to speak, the whole 
northern Bay of Kona. On the east corner is an entrance 
twenty feet wide, and there are traces of an alley along 
the northwestern side of the platform. But its actual con- 
dition is such that I do not venture to state more than that 
it is a terrace or esplanade said to have been occupied by 
buildings of which I could not obtain any description. 

It is the more to be regretted that so little is left on this 
site, as most, if not all, the pottery contained in the Garces 
collection, some of the silver figurines, and most of the ob- 
jects in gold, were found at Chucaripu-pata or between it 
and the Sacred Eock, and always, according to the Indians, 
quite near the surface. I have mentioned the magnificent 
poncho found near Chucaripu-pata in a stone chest. A 
silver mask was disinterred higher up, on the slope of 
Muro-kato and on the same side. With it was found a 
human jaw, which hints at the possibility of it having been 
a mortuary mask. The pottery is, like the fragments ex- 
humed at Kasapata, of Cuzco type, very handsome in colors 



226 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

and in design. From the same place we obtained, through 
purchase, a golden topo, or tumi, and several small articles 
of copper or bronze. 60 

More than an approximate plan would be not only useless 
but perhaps misleading, as the wreck of ancient walls is 
complete and their material has been used for modern en- 
closures, so mixed with old ones that it is impossible to 
distinguish the ancient from the new. 

The distance of Chucaripu-pata from the Sacred Rock is 
a little over five hundred feet. In order to find a mention 
of the former in Spanish sources, we must therefore search 
for references to some structure, or cluster of structures, 
distant about ixve hundred feet southwest of the latter. I 
have so far failed to find any such references. 

From this point, the view on the dark green bottom of 
northern Kona, overshadowed partly by the ridge of Ka- 
kayo-kena, has a somber cast. The waters of the bay are 
quiet, because sheltered, and of a dark blue tint. The 
Island of Kochi has nothing soft in its contours. It is a 
sharp ridge, like Kakayo-kena, of which it seems to be a 
northwestern continuation. From the margin of the prom- 
ontory of Chucaripu-pata we see the reentering curve 
described by the slope of Muro-kato and descry on that 
slope the handsome andenes of Chucaripu, 800 feet south 
of east of Chucaripu-pata. They are the most regular sys- 
tem of terraces on the Island. 

The facing of these andenes, the elevation of which varies 
between two and thirteen feet, is exceedingly well done. 
The stones are so carefully broken that they might pass for 
a modern wall, laid in adobe mud in place of mortar. Ascent 
from one anden to the other is effected in places by stone 
steps built along the fronts of terraces, or by stepping- 
stones, or on inclined planes. The stepping-stones are like 
those at Kasapata. The terraces are level, and shrubbery 
grows along edges and sides, so that from a distance its ap- 
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ANCIENT EUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 227 

On many of these terraces a layer of black soil, from 
three to six inches thick, and entirely different from the 
soil of its surroundings or of the Island in general, is 
noticed. It is a rich loam. The story goes that the Incas 
had it brought from the transandine regions of Yungas in 
order to grow coca on Titicaca. As Cobo remarks, the at- 
tempt failed on account of the climate. But his description 
of the site where that trial is said to have been made does 
not agree with Chucaripu, so that there is little foundation 
for the story, whether told in the seventeenth century 61 or 
in the nineteenth. It may be that an attempt was made to 
raise coca on the Island, previous to the conquest, but it 
would only show that those who made it had not the least 
idea of the influence of climate and altitude upon vege- 
tation. 

Artificial objects, such as topos and tumis, some of 
precious metal, have been found on these andenes, but we 
heard neither of buildings nor burials. In the northwest 
corner is a ruined enclosure with a spring, and the ground 
in the northwest and southwest is constantly moist. Of 
channels for irrigation we saw no trace, atmospheric 
humidity and natural drainage from the rocks above sup- 
plying ample moisture. This group of terraced garden- 
beds, connected with the ruined wall that crosses the crest 
of Muro-kato as already described, are the last ancient 
remains in this part of the Island. But the northern ex- 
tremity of Titicaca, the low promontory of Sicuyu (s), 
bears some vestiges which, though disturbed by treasure- 
hunters, deserve a passing notice. On that promontory 
some of the golden figurines in the Garces collection are 
said to have been found. 

The northern slopes of the conical height of Ticani are 
rather bare, there is low shrubbery and grass, but rocks, 
ledges, and steps appear everywhere. The little Bay of 
Arcu-puncu (16) is encased by low cliffs. Cultivation has 
been possible on these slopes by forming andenes, and while 



228 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

some of these seem to be modern, others are undoubtedly 
ancient. Sicuyu is a low promontory, covered with shrub- 
bery and the rubbish of structures of some kind. We spent 
there a whole afternoon and later on two days, excavating, 
but could not discover anything capable of giving an idea 
of the edifices, so thoroughly had they been torn down by 
the Indians. These Indians assured us that they had torn 
down walls of buildings, which they believed were reared 
by the Incas, among them one that seemed to be a store- 
house. What our investigations revealed was that nearly 
the entire promontory, on its upper plane, which stands 
twenty feet above the Lake, contains stone cysts, mostly in 
parallel rows and differing from the cysts of Chullpa type, 
whereas they closely resembled the seven graves of children 
discovered at Kasapata! In the first place, they are all 
quadrangular ; then they are encased by thin slabs set up- 
right in the ground, and most of them had covers. They 
are much more regular in size, form and arrangement, than 
' ' Chullpa ' 9 burials. But our search for human remains was 
fruitless. Only from one grave the mould of a skull was 
obtained, the bones having completely disappeared with the 
exception of the right temporal, and even that crumbled very 
soon. As to the cranial mould, as soon as the earth of 
which it consisted began to dry it fell to pieces. We do not 
know how many individuals were buried together in a cyst, 
and as to artefacts, not even a potsherd was found in or 
about the graves. But the resemblance of the cysts to those 
at Kasapata gives color to the statement that they were 
Inca burials. It is a lonely site. The view on the Bolivian 
shore is extensive and dismal. The Island of Apingiiila, 
on which Inca remains are said to exist, and its neighbor, 
Pampiti, where, it is alleged, Huayna Capac, the last of the 
Inca head chiefs, previous to Atahualpa and Huascar, per- 
formed fearful human sacrifices, 62 are seen from Sicuyu 
in a line with the longitudinal axis of Titicaca; and some- 
body told us that here Huayna Capac had taken the balsas 



Plate LVI 
Architectural details from the Chincana 

1. Stone steps on Incan-Taqui, or Inca path. 1, 2, 3. Doorways. 4. Small 
•window. 5, 6. Stone ceilings over room and passageway (see text) 







a 



5 



r 

I i n n . 1 . ag i i imniii 





,.:■.: 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 229 

to carry him over to Apingiiila and Pampiti. 63 " Se non 
evero," etc. 

If now we cast a retrospective glance at the cluster which 
the wall of Muro-kato and the andenes of Chucaripu divide 
from the remainder of the Island, we observe that it con- 
tained a greater number of single buildings than any of the 
others attributed to the Inca, and also, probably, the most 
extensive ones. I may be permitted to recapitulate the 
principal points contained in the foregoing description. 
From some point on the eastern side of Muro-kato a well- 
made road, or wide path, with steps, descended into a bot- 
tom at the southern base of the Sacred Rock, passing close 
by a group of small buildings, each of one apartment only. 
The road then ascends to a level, on the eastern margin of 
which the Sacred Rock stands. This level seems to have 
been surrounded by a wall outlining a terrace. Many an- 
cient votive offerings were disinterred here, and in front of 
the Sacred Rock are vestiges of foundations. 

The rock has a natural concavity and other marks that 
must have forcibly struck the Indian mind. These marks 
bear resemblance to the head of the indigenous cat, and the 
name of the rock is derived from the Aymara, name of this 
animal. In close proximity are traces of former edifices. 
A few blocks of andesite of good workmanship are lying 
near by. Andesite is not on the Island, but on the Peninsula 
of Copacavana ! The Sacred Rock is so situated as to afford 
an excellent view of both shores, east and west. On this 
site the Indian to-day is still impressed with superstitious 
awe. This was noticed by Mr. Squier. 64 It is asserted that 
no bird of any kind passes beyond the wall of Muro-kato ; 
the reason for it lies probably in the scantiness of vegeta- 
tion. 65 On the western slope, and not far from the Sacred 
Rock, is a fairly preserved edifice, which tradition describes 
as a residence and again as a storehouse. This edifice is so 
built as to surround a copious spring of water, and the 
slope on that side is covered with vegetation. On the same 



230 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

side a quadrangular platform, commanding an extensive 
view, bears faint traces of ancient buildings. Excavations 
have brought to light, besides pottery similar to that of 
Cuzco, figures of gold and silver such as the older authors 
assert were used as offerings in pre-Columbian times. 
Near by, tissues of exceptional beauty in texture, design, 
and color have been found ; and at least two of these were 
buried in well made chests of andesite. On the last prom- 
ontory of the Island are graves different from Chullpa 
graves. Shapeless ruins of buildings are also found there. 
Add to these features the andenes of Chucaripu, and the 
whole northwestern group of ruins on Titicaca Island 
presents every condition essential to Indian residence, while 
at the same time tradition designates it as having been a 
place of aboriginal worship. 

The wall of Muro-kato does not seem to have been erected 
for defense. Neither are there any traces of other purely 
military constructions. The only building showing some 
defensive features is the Chincana. I have already stated 
that some authors from the early part of the seventeenth 
century mention the Chincana asa u storehouse, ' ' whereas 
to-day it is called a " palace/ ' It is certainly not a palatial 
building. On the contrary, with its dingy cells, narrow and 
tortuous passages, it is more unfit for abode than the Pilco- 
kayma, and has, furthermore, the notable disadvantage of 
fronting away from the sun. Still there is one feature that 
might suggest an abode or, perhaps, that portions of it were 
used as a place of worship. One of the smaller cells, to 
which, when intact, light and air had access only through 
the doorway, had the floor paved with rough mosaic-work 
made of small and bright pebbles. Such pebbles are found 
on the beach below Ciriapata, on the east side. The mosaic 
was, of course, torn up by the Indians, who kept some of 
the pebbles and left the rest. We sent a number of them to 
the Museum. It is doubtful if the Indian would take the 
trouble of decorating the floor of a store-room ! An indica- 



ANCIENT EUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 231 

tion that tlie Chincana was also used, partly at least, as a 
residence is the proximity of a spring. Chroniclers state 
that a bath for the sun had been constructed there. But 
the spring is simply an enclosed pool, too narrow for bath- 
ing purposes, and there are no vestiges of tanks or sinks. 

I again call attention to the precautions taken against 
hostile approach from the Lake-side. Such precautions 
would not have been used unless the building contained 
something valuable or sacred. For the alimentation of the 
inmates of all the buildings around the Sacred Eock, a 
storehouse of more modest proportions was ample. Never- 
theless, it is possible that the Chincana may have been a 
magazine as well as a dwelling. There is still another pos- 
sibility: Statements in regard to the location of special 
places of worship are too positive to admit of much doubt 
that they stood in the immediate proximity of the Sacred 
Eock ; but the same is not the case with another structure, 
inhabited by female attendants of the shrine, 66 women who 
lived in seclusion, like nuns, with the difference that chastity 
was not obligatory upon them, sexual intercourse being 
allowed under special conditions and only with men from 
the Inca tribe. 67 Hence such places were kept under 
vigilance to avoid intrusion. The occupations of these 
women consisted in the manufacture of objects used in 
worship, such as ceremonial dresses, and in brewing 
chicha. 68 Such a house existed on Titicaca, and of all the 
ancient structures still discernible on the Island, the Chin- 
cana is the only one suggesting it. 69 In that case, it served 
for residence, as well as for storing valuable objects des- 
tined as offerings, and this justified some precautionary 
measures against eventual attempts at spoliation. It is 
true that the Indians state that the house occupied by these 
women was the one which they call Mama-ojlia ; but neither 
its size nor its arrangement, which shows no divisions into 
apartments, favor that opinion, whereas the Chincana con- 
tained at least twenty rooms. It has a number of courts, 



232 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

large and small, that afforded room for spinning, weaving, 
cooking, and other work for which the dingy cells were 
inadequate; and shows features suggestive of protection 
against illicit access. 

I regret to be unable to offer more data than those 
presented. The report on the first visit to the Island men- 
tions the secluded women on the Island, giving their num- 
ber at the much exaggerated figure of more than a thousand, 
whereas there is not, in all the Inca structures on the 
Island put together, room for such a number of people of 
both sexes. They state that the occupation of these women 
was to brew chicha and asperge with it the Sacred Bock. 70 
But no mention is made of the abodes wherein the women 
dwelt. Other Spanish authors who give accounts of the 
ancient structures from actual observation are of the seven- 
teenth century. Hence these writers obtained their in- 
formation about the original condition and purpose of the 
edifices at second or third hand. Some old Indian may have 
been able to give them data from direct recollections, but 
it is doubtful whether, after three quarters of a century, 
such recollections were sufficiently clear. At the same time 
it is evident that Eamos, Calancha, Father Andres de San 
Nicolas, as well as the Jesuits Cobo and Oliva, visited Titi- 
caca but occasionally and saw only certain portions of it. 
Else how could they be silent in regard to such ruins as the 
Pilco-kayma and Pucara 1 

I beg to return once more to the suggestion that the 
Chincana may have been an abode for women living in 
compulsory retirement. Of the six beautiful ponchos 
acquired by the Museum with the Garces collection, live 
were found buried in the vicinity of Chucaripu-pata and 
Titikala. The tissues are of extraordinary beauty and 
solidity, patterns as well as colors are exceptionally fine. 
Concurrent testimony of the Spanish chroniclers is to the 
effect that such work was mostly performed by women liv- 
ing in seclusion and that it was part of their duties. 71 



zmwgft i 






Plate LVIi 
Objects in silver found in vicinity of Sacred Rock 

1, 2. Topos or Tumis of silver. 3, 4, 5. Silver pins. 6, 7. Female figures. 
8, 9. Male figures of silver, used as offerings 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 233 

Hence it is not improbable that the five ponchos in question 
were woven on the Island of Titicaca unless one or the 
other was brought thither from Cuzco., It is also likely 
that their age is not much greater than four centuries. 72 
The loom actually in use among the Aymara is primitive 
and consists of four stakes planted in the ground, and at 
this the woman, kneeling and squatting, weaves with im- 
plements like those found in Chullpa ruins. 73 In the case 
of the large ancient ponchos, it is distinctly stated that 
each required a larger frame placed upright, and great 
length of time. The colors were given to the wool before it 
was spun, and the thread twirled by hand, men sometimes 
assisting the women in this work. 74 

I still have to allude to several large stones, all of ande- 
site, one of which is to-day at the hacienda of Challa, in the 
courtyard of its buildings, and the others are found at the 
garden of the same hacienda. The former measures live 
feet in length by two in width. Its least thickness is eight, 
its greatest thirteen inches. The shape is best understood 
from the sketch. 





Top view 
5 feet 




Transverse section 




4" 




4" 














8" 













13" 



4tV 



The other three are prismatic slabs of various length, 
ranging from &ve to eight feet. These slabs were brought 
from Kasapata by the Indians, with the aid of only a few 
ropes and rollers of wood, over narrow and sometimes quite 
steep and rocky paths, distances of a quarter and half a 
mile respectively. This is instructive for the manner in 
which, at other places, much larger blocks may have been 
moved in ancient times. Authors from the seventeenth 



234 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

century state that admission to the particularly sacred 
sections on Titicaca Island was obtained through three 
gateways called, respectively: Pumapuncu, Kentipuncu, 
and Pillcopuncu, or "door of the puma," "door of the 
humming-bird, ' ' and ' ' door of hope. ' ' Such is the informa- 
tion given by Eamos. Cobo speaks of a single gate, which 
he calls Intipuncu, or ' ' gate of the sun. ' ' The former says 
that the three gates were twenty paces distant from each 
other. Cobo places the gateway of Intipuncu somewhere 
on the crest of Muro-kato. 75 It has been suggested that the 
large block and slabs above alluded to are from some such 
gateway ; but their being found at Kasapata does not favor 
the assumption. 

It remains to cast a glance at the vestiges in the south- 
western portion of the Island, in the two bottoms of Kona, 
north and south, and on the flanks of the tall ridge of Ka- 
kayo-kena. These remains consist, so far as we could 
observe, of terraces, or andenes, and of the road, called 
Quivini (30), that leads to the summit of Chullun-kayani. 
Of the andenes little is to be said. The Indians affirm that 
they are all Inca, and well may it be. Of the road, I have 
already spoken. At the foot of the eastern declivity of the 
trough (as which the bottoms of Kona appear), in its south- 
eastern corner, there is a fairly leveled terrace with niches. 

On the platform not the slightest trace of buildings can 
be detected, and not a potsherd nor other artefact of any 
kind is to be found. Excavations proved fruitless. Never- 
theless, the impression becomes strong that this artificially 
encased rise, with the remains of a descent on the eastern 
side, may have been leveled for the purpose of erecting on 
it some edifice. The outline of the terrace is not regular 
and shows the customary adaptation to natural features, 
but the walls are well constructed and the two niches (of 
unequal size) very fairly made. Each of these niches has a 
ceiling composed of slabs, like some at the Chincana and 
Pilco-kayma. From the corners on the west project walls 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 235 

that appear like continuations of the northern and southern 
sides of the platform. In some of the ravines that run 
parallel with those between which the platform stands are 
similar facings, but much damaged. West of the ruin, the 
slopes of Kakayo-kena are covered with terraces, and the 
marshy bottom is traversed by causeways similar to those 
at Pucara. 

The niches so common on the Island in ruins of Inca type, 
inside of buildings as well as in outer walls, deserve some 
attention. In the interior of buildings the small niche evi- 
dently served the same purpose as in Indian houses of to- 
day, being a substitute for our closets, cupboards, and 
wardrobes. In them articles of household use were kept, 76 
and in many of the large niches also. But at the Pilco- 
kayma, for instance, the niches of the eastern apartments 
are so tall and ornamental that it seems probable they were 
either seats or destined to contain objects of worship. We 
know from descriptions that taller idols were sometimes 
kept in such recesses. 77 None of them are long or deep 
enough to suggest they might have served as sleeping plat- 
forms. The large niches in facings of terraces or walls of 
enclosures (as at Kona and Pucara) are more difficult to 
account for. The Indian is too utilitarian to manufacture 
anything without some practical purpose. In the case of 
Kona, for instance, recesses do not seem to have been merely 
ornamental. I suggest that niches tall enough for a human 
being to stand in might have been made for shelter from 
the showers which are most frequent in the months when 
the Indian is engaged in his field-work. They may have 
not only served as shelter for human beings, but also for 
harvested crops, against drenching rains. This does not 
exclude the possibility of fetishes having been kept in such 
niches also, fetishes destined to protect and foster the 
crops, although, so far as we know, such Huacas were of 
small size. 78 

How many of the andenes on the slopes of Kakayo-kena 



236 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

are due to the Incas is impossible to determine. We saw, 
when on the summit of the great ridge of that name (Chu- 
llun-Kayani in particular) traces of what might have been 
remains of small edifices similar to watch-towers, but our 
Indians pretended not to know anything about them, hence 
we are unable to say if these vestiges are ancient or recent. 
The existence of watch-towers, on so excellent a lookout as 
this crest, would not seem improbable. The watch-tower is 
common in ancient architecture of the North American 
southwest, and it served for military purposes as well as 
for simply guarding the crops. 

It is superfluous to enter into more detail about Inca 
ruins on Titicaca Island. They indicate a degree of culture 
so superior to what we have become acquainted with under 
the name of Chullpa, and the artefacts accompanying them 
show a type so closely corresponding to that from the 
valley of Cuzco, that the belief expressed by the Indians of 
to-day, ascribing them to the Incas, amounts to a certainty. 
I beg to observe, however, that while the buildings were 
erected for and under the direction of Incas, they do not 
show the nice work displayed in remains at and around 
Cuzco, Caeha, Cajamarca and other places of the Peruvian 
Sierra. Some blocks which were brought over from the 
Peninsula of Copacavana indicate that in some instances 
the same perfection was reached, but the majority of walls 
are of a ruder make. It may be, therefore, that while the 
nicer work was done by men of the Inca tribe of Cuzco, 
the main labor was performed by hands who were not as 
skilful, and this is partly corroborated by tradition. 

The earliest descriptions of Titicaca Island, subsequent 
to the report of 1534, the one by Cieza of Leon, and the 
other by Oviedo, the latter from the testimony of con- 
querors, are short and vague. The former says : ' ' The great 
lagune of the Collao bears the name of Titicaca, from the 
temple that was constructed in the same lagune, about 
which the natives held a very vain opinion. These Indians 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 237 

say that their ancestors affirmed as certain, as they also 
did of other fables of which they speak, that light failed 
them for many days, and that, while all were in darkness 
and obscnrity, the sun came ont (rose) from this Island of 
Titicaca with great splendor, for which reason they held 
the island to be sacred and the Ingas made in it the temple 
of which I have spoken, that was much esteemed and vene- 
rated among them, in honor of their sun, placing in it 
virgin women and priests with great treasures; of which, 
although the Spaniards at various times have obtained a 
great deal, it is still believed that the most is there yet." 79 
I note that, as this was written in 1550, it indicates that 
previous to that year the Island had been repeatedly visited 
by Spaniards. Oviedo tells us : ' l That country of Collao is 
very well situated and has a good disposition. In it there 
is a lagune that has forty leagues of circumference and is 
sweet and . . . and in an islet within, the people have their 
principal house of worship and idolatry, and it is held in 
great veneration among them, and from distant lands they 
go thither in pilgrimage. ' ' This was written previous to 
1547. 80 

The concurrent testimony of all the sources from the six- 
teenth century, at my command, is to the effect that Titi- 
caca was a shrine, sacred to the Incas of Cuzco as well as to 
the Indians on the shores of the Lake. This is also clearly 
expressed by authors from the century following, hence 
more remote from the time of the conquest. 

The object of particular worship on the Island is stated 
as having been Titihala, or the Sacred Rock, and that wor- 
ship is said to have been due to some connection of the rock 
with the sun, nay, that the sun was the deity to which the 
main adoration was directed. Hence to-day Titicaca is 
often called " Island of the Sun," and Koati, its smaller 
neighbor, the "Island of the Moon." The Temple of the 
Sun, as we have seen, stood close by the Sacred Bock, and 
with it other chapels, dedicated to thunder and lightning. 



238 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Nevertheless that rock, and not the sun, was the principal 
fetish of the Island. It is stated that "pilgrims" were not 
allowed to touch the face of the cliff, but only to gaze at it 
from the margin of the little plane in front of Titikala. 
Inca chieftains and those officiating as attendants to the 
shrine alone could approach closer. It is also asserted 
that the face of the rock was decorated with plates of 
precious metals and rich tissues, and that an altar was 
placed inside of its main natural recess. It is further 
stated that the "pilgrims" were subject to penance and con- 
fession, repeatedly even, before they were admitted to the 
margin of the sacred enclosure. The elaborateness of this 
cult is so far enhanced as to claim that the Peninsula of 
Copacavana was occupied by the Incas for the sole purpose 
of sanctifying and controlling access to the Island, checking 
those who would attempt to tread its soil unprepared or in 
an unworthy condition. 81 

To deny a priori the truth of such reports would not be 
critical research, but to accept them unconditionally is an- 
other question. All these reports suffer from the failings 
of their time, that is, from lack of means of comparison 
with other peoples and countries, and an inclination to ac- 
cept without reserve all that was told. I believe we may 
safely apply to these descriptions the testimony of the 
ruins themselves. The terms "gorgeous," "splendid," 
"sumptuous," so lavishly bestowed upon the monuments 
on Titicaca, appear as great exaggerations. The same was 
the case with ceremonials. Barbaric display, dazzling in 
color, and striking through the weirdness peculiar to Indian 
performances, cannot have but powerfully impressed Eu- 
ropean spectators. 82 

The central object of this worship was, as stated, not the 
sun, but the Sacred Eock. Hence it was Achachila cult of 
the Aymara, with notable Inca display, introduced not a 
century before the conquest. As accessories to the principal 
shrine, there existed chapels dedicated to other fetishes. 



Plate LVIII 

Size reduced 
1. Alpaca of silver. 2. Llama of silver with, caparison and nails of gold 



S^ 1 " 
KW 


ill V 


1 


1 ■ 

IB 


m Mm 




1 : 







ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 239 

Ramos mentions three statues on Titicaca called, respec- 
tively, Apu-ynti, Chusip-ynti, and Yntipguanqui, which 
words he translates as the Sun-chieftain, Sun-son, and the 
Brother-sun. Of this Trinity he states that it was ' l only one 
God." 83 Cobo describes a statue, half gold, half silver, 
of the size of a woman, of which he was told that it repre- 
sented the moon and stood on the Island of Koati. But he 
adds: " Although others will have it that this figure and 
statue was called Titicaca, and they say it represented the 
mother of the Incas." 84 In regard to such ceremonial ob- 
jects the most complete disagreement exists between the 
chroniclers, whereas they agree in that the Sacred Rock 
was the center of attraction and at the same time the seat 
of oracular utterances. 85 This worship at the "Rock of 
the Cat" and the consequent fame of the Island of Titicaca 
among the Indians, was of great antiquity in Bolivia, Titi- 
caca being a noted shrine of the Ay mar a long before the 
Incas took possession of it. In this connection I have to add 
a word of caution. 

It seems certain that when the Incas took possession of 
the Island, in the latter part of the fifteenth century, they 
found it inhabited by Aymard-sipeakmg aborigines, to 
which the name l ' Chullpa ' ' is given by .the present genera- 
tion. It is furthermore asserted, that these Aymara Indians 
were mostly removed by the Incas to the mainland. But 
upon the arrival of the Spaniards in the basin of Lake 
Titicaca the shrine was abandoned by the Inca and the 
Island gradually reoccupied by Indians of Aymara stock, 
who lived there for at least a century after the manner of 
their forefathers. Hence not all of what is included under 
the head of "Chullpa" is pre-conquistorial. Even the 
artificial deformation of the head, so frequently alluded to 
in these pages, was practised as late as the seventeenth 
century. A number of antiquities from Titicaca may be of 
later date than the time of the conquest, and more recent 
than the Inca remains. Nevertheless, even when posterior 



240 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

to the sixteenth century, they are of an ancient type, and 
fair representatives of the art and industry of the people in 
their primitive condition, prior, not only to the advent of 
the Spaniards, but also to that of the Incas and their 
occupation of Titicaca Island. 

I now turn to the Island of Koati, Titicaca 's smaller 
neighbor, and to its ruins. Whereas there is good evidence 
that Titicaca enjoyed a certain reputation as a shrine 
previous to the time when the Incas established themselves 
on its soil, Koati rose into prominence only through the 
establishments which the Incas founded there. 





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h-I 


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13 



NOTES 



THE ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND 
OE TITICACA 



PAKT IV 



1 The word 1 1 Chullpa ' ' signifies the 
bag, or sack, made of ichhu grass 
of the mountain-regions, in which the 
dead were placed. See Bertonio: 
Vocdbulario, II, p. 92: "Chullpa: — 
Entierro o serron donde metian sus 
difuntos." I, p. 430: "Sepultura,— 
o seron como isanga donde ponian 
el difunto: Chullpa, vel Asanco." 
From the bag, or sack, the name 
was gradually transferred, popularly, 
to the buildings in which they were 
found and finally to the people who 
once occupied them. The Indian wiz- 
ard on Titicaca, to whose statements I 
referred so freely in Part III, told us 
the "Chullpa" dressed in textures of 
llama wool. Pedro Pizarro (Eelacion, 
p. 281) says the inhabitants of the 
Collao "visten de ropa de lana 
basta. ' ' 

2 Relatione per Sva Maesta, 1534, 
(Eamusio, II, Ramusio III: 1565, fol. 
413) : "le sue terre sono di mediocre 
grandezza, & le case picciole, le mure di 
pietra & terra insieme, coperte di pag- 
lia." Belacion de la Provincia de los 
Pacajes, p. 62 : "La forma y manera 
de las casas son redondas, de quince 
pies de redondo, pequenas . . . y una 
puerta pequena haeia la parte de 
donde sale el sol, sin tener ninguna 
casa con aposento doblado. " 



8 Meaning ' ' Little (the Spanish 
chico) Kea-Kollu." "Kea" is the 
name of a plant, but I would not 
venture to assert it to be related to 
the name of the height. 

* See the interesting and valuable 
work of my friend Dr. Charles Lum- 
holtz, Unknown Mexico, and my Final 
Report, II, Part xm, pp. 502, 504 et 
seq.; Part xiv, p. 564. 

5 In the book of S. S. Hill: Travels 
in Peru and Mexico, 1860, on page 
241, he mentions a collection of 
Peruvian antiquities at Cuzco in which 
were "innumerable weapons of war. 
. . . One of them consisted of a piece 
of metal with prominent knobs around 
it, and a hole in the middle which 
seemed designed for the handle. The 
Doctor [Bennett] had examined many 
skulls of embalmed bodies which 
seemed to have been broken by this 
instrument, and were actually repaired 
with calabash." (Italics are mine.) 
If the statement is reliable, it recalls 
closing of the trephined orifice with a 
piece of gourd or mate. 

8 Ordenanzas del Peru, Lib. II, Tit. 
IX, Ord. vin, fol. 145. 

7 Primera Parte de la Cronica del 
Peru, Cap. c, p. 443 : ' ' En las cabezas 
traen puestos unos bonetes a manera 
de morteros, hechos de su lana, que 



241 



242 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



nombran Chucos; y tienenlos todos 
muy largas y sin colodrillo, porque 
desde ninos se las quebrantan y ponen 
eomo quieren. ' ' Villagomez : Exorta- 
cion contra la Idolatria, etc., fol. 58, 
Edicto: "Si algunos an amoldado 6 
amoldan las cabegas de sus mucha- 
chos a la forma que los Indios llaman 
Cantuma, 6 Palta Vmu?" 

8 Historia del Nuevo Mundo, TV, 
p. 175; also, Eelacion de la Provincia 
de los Collaguas, p. 40; and Salca- 
mayhua: Eelacion de Antigiiedades 
deste Eeyno del Piru, p. 253. 

9 Properly Cchalla (see Bertonio: 
Vocabulario, I, p. 67), modernized to 
Challa. Vocabulario de las voces 
usuales de Ay mar a al Castellano y 
Quechua, La Paz, 1894, p. 4: "Challa 
—Arena. ' ' 

10 One of the numerous species of 
bulima, found on trees in the eastern 
sections (Amazonian basin and eastern 
slopes of the Andes) of South Amer- 
ica, where they live on trees. 

11 The bola was in general use 
among the Indians of the Peruvian 
mountains, although more in the sec- 
tions which now constitute Bolivia. 
Francisco de Xerez (Verdadera Eela- 
cion de la conquista del Perv, p. 99) 
gives an interesting list of the 
weapons used by the people of Atau- 
huallpa at Cajamarca, but he only 
mentions stones shaped like eggs and 
hurled by slings. The anonymous 
document, Sucesos ocurridos en la 
conquista del Peru antes de la llegada 
del Lycenciado La Gasca, Doc. de 
Indias, XLII, p. 381, has an excellent 
description of the bolas, as used by 
the Indians at Cuzco in 1536: "que 
le echaban los yndios peleando unas 
sogas de Niervos de ovejas echas tres 
ramales que sola la soga en cada 
ramal una piedra atada y con aquella 
manera los mas de los caballos que no 
abia quien pelease e a los caballeros 
les ansi mismo los liaban con aquellas 
sogas quellos llaman aillos, que no 
eran sefiores de riendas ni espadas ni 
lanza ni sefiores de si aquel dia fyzie- 



ron mucho fruto los peones que con 
las espadas cortaban de aquellas sogas 
con gran trabaxo, que apenas podian 
por ser de veruxos i muy oliadas. " 
This statement is by an eye-witness 
and participant in the so-called siege 
of Cuzco by the Indians in 1536, and 
as good a description as could be de- 
sired. The bolas themselves were, 
then, attached or connected by tendons 
of llamas. Also: Poblacion y con- 
quista del Piru, Documentos ineditos 
de Chile. The name "ayllo" is 
Quichua. Torres Eubio : Arte y Voca- 
bulario, fol. 150: "Ayllu 6 livi,— 
Cierto instrumento para trabar los 
pies, y cazar animales. ' ' Among the 
Aymara, "llim" is in use. In the 
short vocabulary appended to the 
work of Arriaga, Extirpacion de la 
Idolatria, etc., fol. 134, he defines 
Aillo, o Libis, as follows: "Vn cordel 
con tres ramales, y al cabo de cada 
vno vna bolilla de plomo sirve para 
ca§ar pajaros, o animales enredan- 
doles. ' ' After these descriptions I 
merely refer, for confirmation and 
minor details, to Calancha: Coronica 
Moralizada, II, fol. 2 ; and Cobo : His- 
toria del Nuevo Mundo, TV, p. 196. 

12 And on the Puna in general, also 
on the eastern slopes, about Pelechuco 
and Charassani. 

"Also on the Peninsula of Huata, 
and in the broken country. 

"Eamos (Historia de Copocabana, 
edition of 1860, p. 45), in connection 
with sacrifices of children, states: 
"Muchas veces solian sacrificar estas 
tiernas victimas ahogandolas, despues 
de haberles dado bien de comer y 
beber, llenandolas la boca de coca 
molida y deteniendoles el resuello; 
despues las enterraban con ciertos 
visajes y ceremonias. Otras veces las 
degollaban, y con su sangre se tefiian 
el rostro: enterraban con ellos los 
vasos en que antes les hacian beber, y 
por eso en las sepulturas se suelen 
hallar muchos, que cuando son de ma- 
dera llaman Quero, y a los de plata 
Aquillas. " Torres Eubio has (Arte, 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 243 



fol. 98): "Quheru— Vaso de madera 
en que vevian la Chicha"; fol. 75: 
' ' Aquilla— Vaso de plata. " Ber- 
tonio : Vocabulario, II, p. 24 : ' ' Aquilla 
—Vaso de plata para beuer, que tam- 
bien llaman Quero, y si es a manera 
de taga, Vichu. ' ' Idem, p. 290. 

15 There are, at the American Mu- 
seum of Natural History- (New York) 
two wooden keros, purported to have 
come from Cuzco, with inlaid figures, 
painted, and partly very well dec- 
orated. In regard to these drinking 
goblets it is stated by Cobo, Historia 
del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 169: "Los 
mas comunes son de madera, de 
hechura de nuestros cubiletes de vidrio, 
mas anchos de arriba que de abajo, 
que hacen un cuartillo de vino. Pin- 
tanlos por de fuera con cierto barniz 
muy reluciente de varios colores, con 
diferentes labores y pinturas; y a 
estos vasos de palo llaman Queros. " 
The two specimens mentioned recall 
the above description. They also have 
bits of tin incrustated with the fig- 
ures. Bertonio, in Vocabulario, II, 
p. 290, gives various names in Aymara 
for varieties of keros, among them: 
1 ' Chaantacata Quero— Vaso que en los 
estremos tiene encaxado estano." 

16 Cobo, in Historia, IV, p. 227, 
describes a way of fishing with a 
"fisga, " which is a (three-pronged) 
harpoon or a fishing spear. He says: 
"Indios hay que en los rios mansos y 
hondos se echan a nada con una fisga 
en la mano derecha, nadando solo con 
la izquierda con gran ligereza, y za- 
bullendo tras el pescado, lo siguen 
hasta alcanzarlo, y clavandolo con la 
fisga, lo sacan atravesado a, la orilla. }t 
He fails to indicate the region where 
this was practised. Swimming in Lake 
Titicaca is by no means safe and 
could hardly be sustained for longer 
than ten or at most twenty minutes. 

17 The so-called Chullpa people, 
being nothing else than the primitive 
Aymara, and it being well established 
that the latter wore clothing— a fact 
also established by our own finds 



elsewhere in Bolivia— there is no need 
of special reference to authorities. 

18 And to various other sections of 
Bolivia which we explored. 

19 Squier: Peru, pp. 352 and 353, 
picture of Chullpas at Acora. 

20 See the American Anthropologist, 
January-March, 1905: The aboriginal 
Buins at Sillustani, Peru. The towers 
at Kalaki, on the shores of Huata, 
fronting the Peninsula of Copacavana 
were, like those of Sillustani, prob- 
ably store-houses. 

21 Primera Parte de la Cronica, 
Cap. c, p. 443. 

22 Furthermore, not all of these 
graves are pre-Spanish. As shown in 
Part III, the Island continued to be 
inhabited by Aymara, who, for a cen- 
tury after the conquest, at least, lived 
on it after the fashion of primitive 
times. 

23 Most of the engagements between 
the first Spaniards in Peru and the In- 
dians were fought in the daytime, even 
when the latter were the aggressors. 

24 Final Eeport, II, pp. 566 and 568. 
25 Peru, p. 335: "The path skirts 

the flanks of the abrupt hills forming 
the island, apparently on the line of 
an ancient road supported by terraces 
of large stones, at an elevation of 
between two and three hundred feet 
above the lake, the shores of which 
are precipitous. ' ' There is no trace 
of such terraces, but there are ledges 
of natural rock cropping out here and 
there. Andenes are plentiful, but 
they are low and bear no relation to 
the path, whether ancient or modern. 
The Inca remains at the Puncu are 
not mentioned by any of the early 
authors at my command. 

26 Arriaga: Extirpacion, p. 11: "A 
los Puquios, que son los manantiales, 
y fuentes hemos hallado que adoran 
de la misma manera, especialmente 
donde tienen falta de agua, pidien- 
doles que no se sequen. " 

27 Peru, p. 333. 

28 Archaeological Beconnoissance into 
Mexico, chapter on Mitla. 



244 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



29 None of the descriptions of the 
Island of the seventeenth century 
at my command mentions the Pilco- 
Kayma. "Pilco" seems to be a cor- 
ruption of "Pirca"— wall, in Quichua 
as well as in Aymara. Bertonio, in 
Vocabulario, II, p. 49, says of 
"Kayma" that it means "cor- 
rompido," decayed— -and is applied 
to food and drink. The silence of 
the Augustines and Jesuits who vis- 
ited the Island in the second decade 
of the seventeenth century, about the 
Pilco-Kayma, is a matter of surprise 
to me, since it is one of the best pre- 
served and most striking ruins on 
Titicaca. 

80 See note above. 

31 Peru, p. 368. In assigning to 
the promontory of Llaq'-aylli an ele- 
vation of 2000 feet, the distinguished 
explorer has been mistaken. No point 
of the Island rises more than 800 feet 
above the Lake. 

32 Squier: Peru, p. 368. Eock (a) 
on the diagram on the page quoted is 
manifestly the one designated to us 
as a sacrificial stone. Of other blocks 
alluded to by Mr. Squier and which 
he calls ' ' Inti-Huatana ' ' there is only 
the one that looks like an arm-chair. 

33 Historia de Copacabana, p. 44: 
"El orden que guardaban los sacer- 
dotes en sacrificarlos era este. Poni- 
anlos sobre una gran losa, echados los 
rostros al cielo, vueltos al sol, y tiran- 
doles del cuello ponianles sobre el una 
teja 6 piedra lisa algo ancha y con 
otra les daban encima tales golpes que 
en breve les quitaban la vida; y asi 
muertos los dejaban dentro de la 
misma guaca ..." 

34 Ibidem, p. 45. It seems also, that 
human sacrifices continued to be made 
after the conquest, in secret. On 
page 26 he mentions that, in 1598, 
and between Sicasica and Oruro, a 
girl, ten years old, had been rescued 
from a tomb where she had been 
buried by the Curacas of Sicasica. 
This manner of sacrifice is still 
in vigor to-day, and it is made 



at places where " treasure" has been 
unearthed. Cobo: Historia, etc., IV, 
p. 64: "Los sacrificios que en este 
adoratorio se hacian eran muy fre- 
quentes y costosos, derramando tanta 
sangre de inocentes y ofreciendo tan 
grandes tesoros." He mentions four 
modes of sacrificing people: Strangu- 
lation, cutting of the throat, burying 
alive, and tearing out the heart. The 
latter statement is suspicious, as Cobo 
was for a number of years in Mexico. 
Fray Andres de S. Nicolas, in Imdgen 
de N:S: de Copacavana, fol. 30, 
states that the victims were mostly 
adults, and describes the sacrifices as 
follows: "Ponian a los muchachos 
sobre una losa grande, alii dispuesta; 
y auiendoles dado a beber su breuaje 
hecho de maiz, que llaman chicha, los 
priuauan de sentido, y luego les 
llenauan la boca de yerba, que por 
nombre de la Coca es conocido (cuyo 
vso vn Concilio Limense justamente 
ha condenado) y poniendoles mirando 
al Sol, apretauan sus gargantas con 
vna piedra lisa, y algo ancha, y con 
otra les dauan tales golpes, que dentro 
de poco los priuauan de la vida. " 
Calancha, in Coronica, II, fol. 18 et 
seq., repeats Ramos in the main, but 
he is positive that adult girls were 
sacrificed on the Island, though he 
insists that the majority of victims 
were children. 

When Hernando and Gonzalo Pi- 
zarro made their raid into Bolivia in 
1538 or 1539, they lost one of their 
men who, as they afterward learned, 
had been sacrificed in a shrine on the 
Desaguadero. Relation del sitio del 
Cuzco, p. 179 : " Y de los que prendie- 
ron se supo como el Cristiano tornado 
a manos le habian sacrificado en un 
adoratorio que tenian en pasando el 
desaguadero. ' ' 

35 It is not true, as Garcilasso de la 
Vega and the author of the anony- 
mous Belacion assert, that the Inca 
did not practice human sacrifices. 
Even Cieza admits it : Segunda Parte, 
Cap. xxv, p. 100 : " No digo yo que no 



ANCIENT EUINS ON THE ISLAND OP TITICACA 245 



sacrificaban y que no mataban hombres 
y ninos en los tales saerificios; pero 
no era lo que se dice ni con mucho." 
(Also Cap. xxviii, pp. 113, 169, et seq.) 
Juan de Betanzos : Suma y Narration, 
Cap. XI, p. 66: "Y esto hecho, mando 
Inca Yupanqui a los senores del Cuzco 
que, para de alii a diez dias, tuviesen 
aparejado mucho proveimiento de 
maiz, ovejas y corderos, y ansimismo 
mucha ropa fina, y cierta suma de 
ninos y ninas, que ellos llaman Capa- 
coha, todo lo cual era para hacer 
sacrificio al sol. Y siendo los diez 
dias cumplidos y esto ya todo junto, 
Inca Yupanqui mando hacer un gran 
fuego, en el cual fuego mando, 
despues de haber hecho degollar las 
ovejas y corderos, que fuesen echados 
en el, y las demas ropas y maiz, of re- 
ciendolo todo al sol; y los ninos y 
ninas que ansi habian juntado, es- 
tando bien vestidos y aderezados, 
mandoles enterrar vivos en aquella 
casa . . ." Cristoval de Molina: 
Fables and Bites of the Incas, p. 54: 
"The Ccapaccocha was instituted by 
Pachacutec Ynca Yupanqui, and was 
as follows: The provinces of Colla- 
suyu, Chincha-suyu, Anti-suyu, and 
Cunti-suyu brought to this city from 
each lineage or tribe one or two male 
and female children aged about ten 
years. . . . The children and the other 
sacrifices walked around the statues 
of the Creator, the Sun, the Thunder, 
and the Moon, which were placed in 
the square, taking two turns. ... So 
the children were strangled and buried 
with the silver figures of sheep, " etc. 
(p. 55). "After this prayer they 
strangled the children, first giving 
them to eat and drink, that they 
might not enter the presence of the 
Creator discontented and hungry. 
From others they took out the hearts 
while yet alive, and offered them to 
the Huacas while yet palpitating," 
etc. The Indian Salcamayhua, in 
Eelacion de Antiguedades, etc., p. 359, 
attributes the introduction of the 
sacrifices of children above described 



to one of the earliest head-chiefs men- 
tioned by him: "Dizen que en tiempo 
deste (Mayta Capac) los imbentaron 
el sacrificio de Capac Hucha Cocuy, 
enterrandoles a los muchachos sin 
mancha y conoro y plata, y lo mismo 
an embentado el Arpar con sangre 
humana como con corderos blancos, " 
etc. 

38 That there was constant manu- 
facturing of chicha going on on Titi- 
caca is already asserted by the first 
two Spaniards who visited it in De- 
cember, 1533: Relatione per Sva 
Maesta, 1534, Eamusio, II, fol. 413: 
"Vi sono megli di secento Indiani al 
seruitio di questo luogo, & piu di 
mille donne, che fanno Chicca per 
gettarla sopra quella pietra Thichi- 
casa. ' ' 

"Victims sacrificed together were 
also buried close to each other. 

38 The Relatione per Sva Maesta, 
fol. 413, states: "due picciole Iso- 
lette, nell '. vna delle quali e vna mos- 
chea, & casa del Sole, la quale e tenuta 
in gran veneratione, & in essa vanno 
a fare le loro offerte & sacrificij in vna 
gran pietra che e nell ' Isola che la 
chiamano Thichicasa. ' ' ( Italics mine. ) 
This statement by persons who saw 
the ceremonials on the Island in 
primitive condition indicates, as I 
shall still further develop, that the 
" mosque, and house of the sun" in- 
cluded what is called the Sacred Eock 
to-day, hence the 1 1 temple of the sun ' ' 
cannot have been at Kasapata. 

39 Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 
p. 58: "De los Mitimaes, que la 
mayor parte eran de la sangre y linaje 
de los Incas, formo un moderado 
pueblo media legua antes del templo, 
y en el mando labrar casa de su habi- 
tacion. ' ' 

40 Eistoria de Copacabana, 1860, p. 
16: "Arreglado ya Copacabana, el 
mismo monarca formo otro pueblo 
moderado en la isla, como a media 
legua de la pena sagrada; y alii labro 
su real palacio. " So far Eamos, but 
his editor, Father Sans, adds: "cuyas 



246 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



ruinas son probablemente las que se 
ven frente del Templo del Sol en una 
Colina al lado de Oriente. ' ' Sans shares 
the impression that the edifice at Kasa- 
pata was the ' ' temple of the sun. ' ' 

41 Coronica Moralizada, II, f ol. 6 : 
"Tupac ynga fundo un moderado 
pueblo casi media legua antes de 
llegar a la pefia, i en el labro su real 
palacio, pobre en la arquitectura de su 
edificio, pero riquisimo en el tesoro de 
su erario. ' ' 

42 This is corroborated by Cobo : 
Historia, etc., IV, p. 55: "Y un 
cuarto de legua antes de llegar al tem- 
plo, un grandioso Tambo 6 meson para 
hospedaje de peregrinos . . . " Al- 
though Cobo places that tambo at 
only a quarter of a league from the 
Sacred Eock, it is plain that the site 
of Kasapata is meant by him. ' ' Muro 
Kato, " where the cluster of edifices 
connected with the shrine begins in 
the south or southeast, is only a short 
distance away, and shows no traces 
of an edifice large enough for accom- 
modating any number of lodgers, 
even transient ones as "pilgrims" 
would be. 

43 That Tupac Yupanqui was the 
Inca chief who first visited the Island 
is stated by the majority of authors. 
Cieza: Segunda Parte, p. 199: "Pa- 
sando adelante Inca Yupanqui cuen- 
tan que visito los mas pueblos que 
confinan con la gran laguna de Titi- 
caca . . . Entro en la gran laguna de 
Titicaca y miro las islas que en ella 
se hacen, mandando hacer en la mayor 
de ellas templo del sol y palacios para 
el y sus descendientes. ' ' Relation de 
la Provincia de los Pacajes, p. 58. 
Ramos: Historia, Cap. in, iv, vn, etc. 
Cobo : Historia, IV, Lib. xrn. Andres de 
S. Nicolas, Imdgen, etc., f. 25. Anello 
Oliva: Historia del Perv, etc., 1631, 
p. 51, attributes the first visit to the 
Island to Topa or Viraeocha Inca, but 
he is himself in doubt as to the au- 
thenticity of the information, and it 
looks as if he had interpolated two 
supposed war-chiefs in his catalogue. 



To my knowledge, Mr. Squier has 
been the first and, thus far, only one 
to allude to the comparatively modern 
origin of the Inca buildings on Titi- 
caca and Koati. Peru, p. 371: "As- 
suming the truth of these traditions, 
most, if not all, the edifices on the 
island were built some time between 
1425 and 1470, which was the period 
when Tupac Yupanqui reigned. ' r 
Tupac Yupanqui was — and nearly all 
the early sources agree in this— the 
third last Inca war-chief, taking 
Huascar as the last one previous to 
the conquest; Atauhuallpa was the 
latter 's contemporary and an intruder 
from the North. Hence Tupae Yu- 
panqui must have been in office be- 
tween 1450 and 1500, and the visit to 
Titicaca took place within these limits 
of time. The extraordinary longevity 
attributed to some of these chiefs 
cannot be accepted as a basis for de- 
termining the length of a term. Even 
allowing for a generation as much as 
forty years, the beginning of the 
term of Tupac Yupanqui would be 
about the middle of the fifteenth 
century only. With him traditions 
of the Inca assume a more positive 
shape. 

44 The rock, unfortunately for these 
statements, is so situated that it re- 
ceives no light at sunrise and very 
little direct sunlight during the re- 
mainder of the day. 

45 Relatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 
413. 

46 Cobo, in Historia del Nuevo 
Mundo, IV, p. 62, calls that entrance 
"Kenti puncu, " says it was "dos- 
cientos pasos distante de la pena," 
and adds: "A un lado de la puerta 
sobredicha se ven ciertos edificios 
vie j os, que, segun los indios cuentan, 
eran aposentos de los ministros y sir- 
vientes del templo; y al otro lado hay 
senales de un gran edificio, que era el 
recogimiento de las Mamaconas, mu- 
jeres consagradas al Sol, las cuales 
Servian de hacer los brevajes y telas 
de curiosidad que en aquel ministerio 



ANCIENT EUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 247 



del adoratorio se gastaban." Eamos, 
in Eistoria de Copacabana, pp. 10 and 
11, mentions three gateways, the near- 
est of which he places 200 steps from 
the rock, and calls the first or most 
distant of these entrances "Puma- 
puncu, ' ' the middle one * ' Kenti- 
puncu, ' ' and the last l ' Pillcopuncu. ' ' 
He says the three were at twenty 
paces from each other. Fray San 
Nicolas (Imdgen, etc., fol. 23) agrees 
with Cobo. Admission to the cluster 
of buildings surrounding the rock was 
to be preceded by a " confession. ' ' 
That a certain confession was in prac- 
tice among the Peruvian aborigines 
seems certain, also that it resulted in 
expurgation and absolution. On this 
point Arriaga (Extirpation, Cap. in, 
p. 18) is positive and detailed: "Au- 
cachic, que en el Cuzco llaman Ichuris, 
es el Confesor, este oficio no anda 
solo sino que siempre es annexo, al 
Villac, o al Macsa sobre dicho. Con- 
fiesa a todos los de su Ayllo, aunque 
sea su muger, y hi jo. Estas con- 
fesiones son siempre en las fiestas de 
sus Huacas, y quando an de yr camino 
largo. Y son tan cuidadosos en su 
oficio, que e topado yo algunos mu- 
chachos que nunca se avian confesado 
con Sacerdote alguno de Dios nuestro 
Senor, y se avian confesado ya tres 6 
quatro vezes con estos ministros del 
Demonio . . ." (P. 28, Cap. v.) 
''Durante el ayuno se confiessan todos 
Yndios y Yndias con los que tienen 
este oficio, sentados en el suelo el que 
oye, y el que se confiessa en lugares 
que suelen tener en el campo diputa- 
dos para este efecto. — No confiessan 
pecados interiores, sino de haver hur- 
tado, de aver mal tratado a otros, y 
de tener mas que vna muger (porque 
tener vna aunque sea estando amance- 
bado, no lo tienen por pecado) acu- 
sanse tambien de los adulterios, pero 
la simple fornicacion de ninguna 
manera la tienen por pecado, acusanse 
de auer acudido a reverenciar el Dios 
de los Espanoles, y de no auer acudido 
a las Huacas el Hechizero les dize que se 



emiende, ,y etc. — "Y ponen sobre vna 
piedra liana de los polvos de of rendas, 
y haze que los sople, y con vna piedre- 
guela que llaman Pasca, que quiere 
dezir perdon, que la lleva el Yndio, o 
la tiene el que confiessa le refriega la 
cabega, con maiz bianco molido, y con 
agua le lavan la cabetja en algun 
arroyo 6 donde se juntan los rios, que 
llaman Tincuna. — Tiene por gran 
pecado el esconder los pecados, quando 
se confiessan, y haze grandes dili- 
gencias, para averiguallo el Con- 
fessor.— Y para esto en diversas par- 
tes tienen diversas ceremonias. En 
vnas en llegando el Yndio al confessor 
dize oydme los Cerros de al derredor, 
las llanadas, los Condores que bolays, 
los Buhos y Lechugas, que quiero con- 
fessar mis pecados. Y todo esto dize 
teniendo vna quentecilla de mullu 
metida en vna espina con dos dedos 
de la mano derecha, levantando la es- 
pina hazia arriba, dize sus pecados, 
y en acabando la da al confessor, y 
el la toma y hincando la espina en 
la manta la aprieta hasta que se 
quiebre la quenta, y mira en quantas 
partes se quebro, y si se quebro en 
tres a sido buena la confesion y si 
se quiebra en dos, no a sido buena la 
confession, y dize que tome a con- 
fessar sus pecados. " 

' ' En otras partes para verificar esto 
mismo toman vn manojillo de hicho de 
a donde se derivo el nombre de Ichuri, 
que es el que coje pajas, y lo divide 
el confessor en dos partes, y va sa- 
cando vna paja de vna parte, y otra 
de otra, hasta ver si quedan pares, que 
entonces es buena la confession, y si 
no es mala. — En otras lo devinan por 
la sangre de los cuyes, y en vn pueblo 
cerca de aqui atandole las manos atras 
al penitente, quando acaba de confes- 
sar, y apretandoselas con vn cordel le 
hazia el confesor dezir la ver dad.— Oy 
dixo delante de mi vn Yndio al Visita- 
dor, que dandole el confessor con vn 
palo le apretava a que confessase to- 
dos sus pecados, y otro que dandole 
con vna soga. Dales por penitencia 



248 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



los ayunos sobredichos de no comer 
sal, ni agi, ni dormir con sus mugeres, 
y vno dixo que le avian dado este 
ayuno por seys meses." 

"Fuera de las fiestas, vsan tambien 
el confessarse, quando estan enfer- 
mos," etc. I have been thus prolix in 
quoting Arriaga because he is more 
detailed on the subject than any other 
author, and because he made it a mat- 
ter of minute investigation. 

This custom of "confession" 
among the Peruvian Indians was not 
' ' discovered ' ' in consequence of the 
official search into the rites and cere- 
monials of that people instituted in 
the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. Fully sixty years previous, 
about 1560, the Augustine monks who 
established missions in the region of 
Huamachuco, noticed the rites of con- 
fession. Says the Relation de la Re- 
ligion y ritos del Peru, Doc. de Indias, 
III, p. 44: "Cosa es de espanto, que 
estos indios tambien tenian confesion 
vocal y se confesaban, la cual se 
descubrio desta manera: andando un 
padre por una xalca 6 tierra de 
mucha nieve, vido que entre la nieve 
estaba un indio asentado, y llamo a 
sus yanaconas y criados y mandoles 
que truxesen aquel indio, y comenzole 
a suadir que le dijese que que hacia en 
aquella sierra 6 xalca, que asi la 
llaman en la lengua del Peru . . . y 
dixo que algun idolo 6 guaca habia 
por alii, pues que estaba asi, que debia 
de adorar 6 mochar, y atrayendole con 
algunas amenazas, dixo que el diria 
por que estaba alii, y que era por 
penitencia que le habia dado el alco, 
ques el hechicero; y preguntole que 
por que era aquella penitencia, y dixo 
que conf esandose, y asi dixo quien era 
el alco 6 sacerdote, y llamolo, que era 
un indio vie jo, y de aqui se deseu- 
brieron muchos. Y la manera de su 
confesion era que decian sus ochas, 
que en la lengua quieren decir culpas, 
y confesaban si habian hurtado algo 6 
renido, sino habian servido bien a su 
principal 6 cacique, sino tenido acata- 



miento al Zupai y demonio y a la 
guaca 6 idolo, cumplido con lo que le 
mandaba el demonio." — Father Cris- 
tobal Molina: Fables and Rites of the 
Yncas, p. 15: "According to the ac- 
counts they give, all the people of the 
land confessed to the sorcerers who 
had charge of the huacas. " Molina 
obtained his information at Cuzco, 
about fifty years prior to Arriaga. 

47 Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 
p. 62: "Entre esta puerta y los edifi- 
cios dichos estaba una pena viva, por 
la cual pasa el camino que va al 
santuario, y en ella estan ciertas 
senales que parecen del ealzado de 
los indios, grandisimas, las cuales 
creian los indios viejos ser pisadas 
milagrosas que alii quedaron de 
aquellos mas que tenebrosos tiempos 
de su gentilidad, siendo como son 
aguajes de la misma pena." Squier: 
Peru, p. 339: "They are formed in 
outline, by hard, ferruginous veins, 
around which the rock has been worn 
away, leaving them in relief." 

48 Historia de Copacabana, p. 8: 
"Al lado de una planicie, como a 
treinta pasos de la pena," etc. 
Cobo: Historia, IV, p. 61: "La pena 
tan venerada estaba descubierta, y 
junto a ella el templo, con tal dispo- 
sicion, que venia a caer la dicha pena 
como en su cimenterio, 6 por mejor 
decir, en la capilla mayor del, aunque 
descubierta, pues era el lugar de mas 
veneracion." This is already stated 
in the Relatione per Sva Maesta, 
1534, fol. 413, which statement I re- 
gard as conclusive. 

49 Compare the description by Cobo : 
Historia, IV, p. 61: "El convexo es 
de pena viva, cuyas vertientes llegan 
a comunicarse con el agua en una 
ensenada que la laguna haee. " But 
Cobo makes the mistake of placing 
the face (f rente) of the rock to the 
north instead of to the west. That 
face, or cliff, looks to the Peruvian or 
western shore of the Lake. 

60 Relation anonima, p. 164. In 
regard to a derivation from the Qui- 



ANCIENT EUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 249 



chua * ' Titi ' '— tin, I would remark 
that the name is Aymara, and not 
Quichua; (2) that there is neither 
tin nor lead nor antimony on the 
Island, and (3) that the rock is red- 
dish-brown and has not the slightest 
resemblance in color with any of 
these metals. 

51 Eamos: Eistoria de Copacabana, 
p. 8: "Al lado de una planieie, como 
a treinta pasos de la pena, estan las 
calas ( ! ) del sol, del trueno y del re- 
lampago, a quienes los indios respeta- 
ban mucho." I italicize the word 
" calas. " It may be a misprint from 
"casas. " Should it, however, be 
" calas, " it may indicate excava- 
tions, or diggings. 

52 See above. Cobo, while otherwise 
careful in his descriptions, confounds 
the directions of the compass. On the 
side toward Bolivia (the north and 
east) the Sacred Eock presents an al- 
most uninterrupted slope on which ab- 
solutely no trace of ruins is seen. 
Neither is there any appropriate site 
for a building. 

53 Eistoria, p. 8. 

54 See plans. 

53 Belatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 
413. 

58 Eamos: Eistoria, p. 8: "En la 
llanada de esta isla se han hallado 
muchos idolillos de oro, y curiosos 
vasos de barro; vense aun las catas o 
rastros de excavaciones que se han 
hecho para buscar los tesoros que en 
sus sepulcros enterraban los antiguos. 
Ahora todo esta cubierto de pajonal y 
maleza. " There is no ichhu grass on 
the level immediately in front of the 
rock and the description would rather 
apply to the site called Chucaripu- 
pata, contiguous almost to the level 
in question. Calancha: Coronica, etc., 
II, fol. 4: "Tiene de tierra una gran 
panpa, 6 llanada que sirvio de cemen- 
terio es de tierra f acil ... En 
aquesta panpa, 6 llanada, se an al- 
lado muchos idolos de oro y vasos 
curiosos de barro con otras menuden- 
cias del tiempo antiguo. Vense las 



catas que se an dado por buscar los 
tesoros, que en sus sepulcros enter- 
ravan los Yndios, " etc. Calancha 
manifestly copied from Eamos. 
Cobo (Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 61) is one 
of those who state that the Sacred 
Eock was covered with handsome 
pieces of cloth, and adds: "Delante 
de la dicha pena y altar se ve una 
piedra redonda al modo de bacin, ad- 
mirablemente labrada, del tamano de 
una piedra de molino mediana, con 
su orificio, que ahora sirve al pie de 
una cruz, en que echaban la chicha 
para que el Sol bebiese. [* Of this 
stone, circular in form, we did not 
hear. The sacrifice or offering of 
chicha is mentioned already in 1534 
(Belatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 413) : 
"che fanno Chicca per gettarla sopra 
quella pietra Thichicasa. ' ' Cobo 
(Eistoria, etc., p. 61) says the rock 
was "cubierta con una cortina de 
cumbi, el mas sutil y delicado que 
jamas se vio, y todo el coneavo della 
cubierto de laminas de oro. " About 
the word " cumbi' * Torres Eubio 
(Arte, etc., fol. 78) has "Ccompi o 
cumpi — ropa preciosa. " That such 
handsome textures were used for sac- 
rifice is frequently stated. (Garci- 
lasso: Comentarios, I, fol. 34.) Treat- 
ing of the objects offered to the sun, 
he asserts: ll j ropa de vestir de la 
muy fina, todo lo cual quemaua en 
lugar de encienso, y lo ofrecian en 
hazimiento de gracias. " Betanzos: 
Suma y Narracion, Cap. xv, p. 103: 
"La cual fiesta mando que se hiciese 
en la plaza do agora es el espital, en 
la ciudad del Cuzco ... en la cual 
fiesta mando que se hiciesen grandes 
sacrificios a los Idolos, do se les 
quemase e sacrificase muchos ganados 
6 comidas e ropa, y en las tales 
guacas fuesen ofrecidos muchas joyas 
de oro y plata. " This was in the 
month of May, according to the au- 
thor. (Also p. 105.) Molina: Fables 
and Bites, etc., p. 34 : ' ' They burn in 
sacrifice a sheep, and a vast quantity 
of clothes of many colours. *' Also 



250 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



pp. 45, 46, et seq. Information de 
las Idolatrias de los Incas e Indios y 
de como se enterraoan, 1571, Doc. de 
Indias, XXIV, pp. 133, 140, 154. Ar- 
riaga: Extirpation de la Ydolatria, 
Cap. vin, p. 44: "Tambien no se a 
reparado hasta aora, en que tuviessen 
las camisetas antiguas de cumbi, que 
ofrecian a, sus Huacas, o vestian a sus 
Malquis, o que se ponian, para solas 
fiestas y sacrificios de las Huacas." 
Eamos: Copacaoana, p. 16. Cobo: 
Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 84. 
As to the gold and silver figurines 
of men, women, and llamas that were 
(and still are, though in a lesser 
quantity) dug up on the level of 
Tiean-aychi in front of the Sacred 
Eock and at Chucaripu-pata, they 
were votive offerings, and what the 
Aymara to-day call, if it represents a 
man, "Kollke-jaque" (silver man); 
if a woman, l ' Kollke-huarmi ' ' (silver 
woman). When the figurines are of 
gold, "Kuri" or "Curi" (gold) is 
substituted for "Kollke" (silver). 
Enough is contained in quotations 
preceding to establish that they were 
found at an early day on the Island 
and on the sites above mentioned. 
Already the Relatione per Sva Maesta, 
fol. 413, states: "& gli offeriscono 
oro & argento, & altre cose.'' These 
offerings were made to the Eock— r 
' *■ in vna gran pietra che e nell ' Isola 
che la chiamano Thichicasa. ' ' Gar- 
cilasso: Comentarios, ~L, fol. 80: " Of- 
recian cada aiio mucho oro, y plata. " 
Eamos: Eistoria de Copacaoana, p. 
11. The same author mentions that 
Huayna Capac, who died when the 
first Spaniards reached the coast of 
Ecuador, went to the island of Apin- 
giiila to make offerings to a new 
fetish called "Vatm." (this is proba- 
bly a misunderstanding, since "Ya- 
tiri" is the title of a class of sha- 
mans) ; he was dissuaded from it and 
went to the neighboring island of 
Pampiti: "Obstinado sin embargo, 
en su capricho creyo oir un oraculo de 
sus idolos que le mandaban llevase a 



otra parte los sacrificios de oro y 
plata, llamas, cosas preciosas, y aun 
de ninos; pero no alii sino en Paapiti, 
otra isla inmediata. ' ' It is rumored 
that figures like those dug up on Titi- 
caca exist buried either on Apingiiila 
or its smaller neighbor Pampiti, or 
Paapiti. The figures were not idols 
or fetishes, but substitutes for live 
beings, men or animals, that should 
have been sacrificed. Since the In- 
dians continued to perform primitive 
ceremonials on the Islands for about 
a century after the conquest, it is not 
impossible that a part of these offer- 
ings are post-conquistorial, although 
after primitive models. 

57 Eistoria de Copacaoana, p. 12: 
"En la barranca que esta al f rente 
del camino entre Juli y Pomata, es- 
tuvo la despensa del sol . . . llamada 
vulgarmente Chingana, que quiere de- 
zir lugar donde se pierden. " Cobo: 
Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 62: "Y cerca 
del templo se ven ruinas de la despensa 
del Sol, cuyos retretes imitan al labe- 
rinto de Creta. ' ' 

68 Eamos : Eistoria, etc., p. 6 : ll Lo 
que se tiene por cierto es, que el 
mismo hizo plantar unas estacas de 
molles y alisos. " Tree-planting by 
the Indians in primitive times is very 
doubtful. As often as I have been 
shown such groves I found them to be 
of natural growth. The Spaniards, 
however, had trees (for shade and 
fruit) planted in Peru at an early 
date. Cutting down of indigenous 
fruit-trees was prohibited at Lima by 
ordinance of the first town-council, 
January 30, 1535, under heavy penal- 
ties; also February 6, 1535 (Libro 
primero de caoildos de Lima, Lima, 
1888, pp. 18 and 19). On October 29th 
of the same year it was ordained that 
every resident of Lima who owned 
land should plant at once from fifty 
to three hundred trees on his prop- 
erty {Idem, p. 44) ; the penalty for 
not doing so was one mark in gold. 
Among the Ordinances of Toledo from 
1574 there are two, in one of which it 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 251 



is ordained that the alcaldes of Indian 
communities have trees planted: 
"Iten, tendran los Alcaldes cuydado 
de mandar, que en las partes, y 
lugares que huviere temple para ello 
en las quebradas, y rayces de las 
ezequias, 6 Eios, se planten arboles 
alisos, y sauzes, 6 frutales de castilla, 
pues es negocio de que se les sigue, y 
recrece tanto provecho a los naturales 
deste Eeyno. ' ' And in the ordinance 
following, the cutting of trees at the 
foot is prohibited to the Indians (Or- 
denanzas del Peru, Lib. II, Titulo ix, 
fol. 146, Ord. xiy and xv). Also, for 
Cuzco : TestimYO de los Autos hechos 
Por el Juez de Nles sobre la Plant a de 
las Arboledas en el Trno de la Par- 
roquia de San SebastN por comision 
del Ysigne Cauildo de la DJid Ciudad, 
1590, MSS. in possession of Don Car- 
los A. Eomero at Lima, f oL 34. 

59 Historia, etc., IV, p. 62. 

60 It might be (this is merely a sug- 
gestion of mine) that Chucaripu-pata 
was a burial site for those who died 
in attendance of worship on the 
Island. This might explain the ab- 
sence of vestiges of buildings. Some- 
thing like it is insinuated by Ea- 
mos Historia, etc., p. 11: "Vense 
aun las catas 6 rastros de excava- 
ciones que se an heeho para buscar 
los tesoros que en sus sepulcros enter- 
raban los antiguos. ' ' Calancha : Coro- 
nica, II, fol. 4: "Vense las catas que 
se an dado por buscar los tesoros, que 
en sus sepulcros enterravan los Yn- 
dios. ' ' 

61 Cobo : Historia, etc., IV, p. 58. 
Eamos: Copacabana, p. 6. 

62 Apingiiila is to-day sometimes 
called the "island of the devil." 
From Titicaca it is plainly visible, 
as a low truncated cone surmounted 
by a column or pillar. Pampiti (or 
Paapiti) is close to it on the south, 
and is low and flat. As far as I 
know, the episode of the voyage of 
Huayna Capae to Apingiiila is only 
mentioned by three authors, all Au- 
gustines: Eamos: Cap. xxni; Calan- 



cha: Coronica, II, Cap. in, and Fray 
S. Nicolas: Imdgen, Cap. iv, fol. 27. 
While the latter has been guided, in 
writing his book, by Eamos and Ca- 
lancha, he has enhanced on both in 
the following passage relative to 
Apingiiila: "Multiplico Guaina Capac 
otro Templo en Apinguela, Isla no 
menos bien cercana a la dicha Titi- 
caca, y dedicole al Idolo Iatiri, qui- 
tando en impuros sacrificios tantas 
vidas a los suyos, que perdiendo por 
esso el primer nombre, se hallo con 
aquel de Vilacota, que significa Lago, 
6 mar de sangre, en la lengua natural 
de aquella tierra. " "Uilacota" 
means "lake of blood," or bloody 
lake, in Aymara. Neither Eamos nor 
Calancha mention the erection of a 
"temple" on Apingiiila, and the lat- 
ter only applies the name "Vilacota" 
to portions of the Lake around the 
two islands. The whole story appears 
to me suspicious. 

63 The voyage, although long and 
tedious, could be performed in balsas. 
The Indians sometimes make longer 
ones, though involuntarily, when east- 
erly or northerly storms prevail on the 
Lake. 

"Peru, p. 336: "At almost the 
very northern end of the Island, at 
its most repulsive and unpromising 
part, where there is neither inhab- 
itant nor trace of culture, where the 
soil is rocky and bare, and the cliffs 
ragged and broken ... is the spot 
most celebrated and most sacred in 
Peru. ' ' 

65 The only bird we saw, during the 
time of our investigations about the 
Sacred Eock was the alkamari (called 
in Peru "chinalinda"), a handsome 
buzzard, always stalking and flying 
about in pairs. 

06 Relatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 
413: "& piu di mille donne, che 
fanno Chicca per gettarla sopra quella 
pietra Thichlcasa. " The number is, 
of course, either exaggerated, or it 
may be that the Spaniards were fol- 
lowed to the Island by a large con- 



252 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



course from the mainland, which wag 
often the case, elsewhere, when white 
men appeared for the first time and 
in small numbers. 

67 The title of '* virgins of the 
sun, " frequently given to these clois- 
tered, or rather recluse, females is 
not appropriate, and it may not be 
amiss to enter here into a preliminary 
discussion of the nature of the cus- 
tom. When, in 1532, the Spaniards 
moved upon Cajamarca, they met the 
first one of the houses occupied by 
women in the Sierra at Caxas. The 
anonymous folio printed at Sevilla 
in 1534, and entitled, La Conquista 
del Peru llamada la Nueua CastiMa, 
has the following: "Llegaron al 
pueblo q era grade: y en unas casas 
muy altas hallard mucho mayz: y cal- 
cado, otras estaua llenas de lana y 
mas de quinientas mugeres q no hazia 
otra cosa sino ropas y vino de mayz 
para la gente de guerra: en aquellas 
casas hauia mucho de aquel vino. " 
Francisco Xerez (Verdadera Belacion 
de la Conquista del Perv, pp. 52 et 
seq.) is more detailed: "y que se 
hallo en aquel pueblo de Caxas una 
casa grande, fuerte y cercada de 
tapias, con sus puertas, en la cual 
estaban muchas mujeres hilando y 
tejiendo ropas para la hueste de Ata- 
balipa, sin tener varones, mas de los 
porteros que las guardaban, y que a 
la entrada del pueblo habia ciertos 
indios ahorcados de los pies; y supo 
deste principal que Atabalipa los 
mando matar porque uno dellos entro 
en la casa de las mujeres a, dormir 
con una ; al cual, y a, todos los porteros 
que consintieron, ahorco. tf Of Caja- 
marca, the Conquista (fol. 2) says: 
"En el pueblo auia muy poca gete/ 
q seria quatrocetos o quinietos indios, 
q guardauan las puertas de las casas 
del cacique Atabalipa/q estaua llenas 
de mugeres q hazian chicha para el 
real de Atabalipa. " Xerez: Verda- 
dera Belacion, p. 79 : ' ' Entre la sierra 
y esta plaza grande esta, otra plaza 
mas pequena; cercada toda de apo- 



sentos; y en ellos habia muchaa 
mujeres para el servicio de aqueste 
Atabalipa." In his report on the 
journey to Pachacamac, written No- 
vember, 1533, Hernando Pizarro 
speaks as follows of the recluse 
women (Carta a la Audiencia de 
Santo Domingo, Biblioteca de Autores 
espanoles, Vol. XIX, Ooras de Quin- 
tana, p. 497): "En todos estos pue- 
blos hay casas de mujeres encerradas, 
tienen guardas a, las puertas, guardan 
castidad; si algun indio tiene parte 
en alguna de ellas, muere por ello; 
estas casas son unas para el sacrificio 
del sol, otras del Cuzco viejo, padre 
de Atabaliva: el sacrificio que hacen 
es de ovejas, e hacen chicha para 
verter por el suelo: hay otras casas 
de mujeres en cada pueblo de estos 
principales, asimismo guardadas, que 
estan recogidas de los caciques co- 
marcanos, para cuando pasa el senor 
de la tierra sacan de alii las me j ores 
para presentarselas, e sacadas aquellas, 
meten otras tantas: tambien tienen 
cargo de hacer chicha para cuando 
pasa la gente de guerra: de estas 
casas sacaban indias que nos pre- 
sentaban. " Of the coast Pizarro 
states (p. 497): "Asimismo tienen 
casas de mujeres." Miguel de Estete 
(La Belacion del Viaje que hizo el 
Senor Capitan Hernando Pizarro, etc., 
in Xerez, pp. 121-149) makes no 
mention of the women, but Oviedo 
(Historia general, IV, p. 213) records 
a criticism on the statements of 
Pizarro by Diego de Molina, who 
came to Santo Domingo in 1533, hav- 
ing been a participant in the con- 
quest. Molina told him: "Deeia que 
aquellas mugeres castas que dice la 
carta es burla, que no son castas; 
pero ques verdad que las guardan 
hombres castrados. " To these state- 
ments from the earliest days of the 
conquest, that of Pedro Pizarro must 
be added. He also was one of the 
first conquerors, although he wrote 
in 1571. He states (Belacion, p. 266) : 
"En este buhio donde digo estaba el 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OP TITICACA 253 



Sol, dormian cotidiano mas de docien- 
tas mugeres hijas de indios princi- 
pales: dormian en el suelo, y al bulto 
del Sol tenian puesto un escafio alto 
muy rico de mucha plumeria de tor- 
nasol, y fingian ellas dormir alii y que 
el Sol se ayuntaba con ellas. ,; 

"Tratare ahora de lo que son estas 
mamaconas, y este nombre que tienen 
de mamaconas era costumbre entre 
este linage destos orejones que eran 
mucha gente y tenidos entre ellos por 
caballeros, en especial los que anda- 
ban trasquilados, porque otros habia 
que traian el cabello largo corriente 
Bin cortarlo jamas, aunque decian que 
eran parientes los unos de los otros, 
siendo. el principio de ellos dos her- 
manos y que el uno habia tornado 
traje de andar trasquilado y el otro 
con el cabello largo: de la generacion 
de los que se trasquilaban eran los 
eenores de este reino y en mas tenidos 
los hijos e hijas de estos.— Tenian li- 
bertad desque eran de edad, de escoger 
a quien era su voluntad a Uegarse 
para lo servir y nombrarse a su ape- 
llido, y dende chicos sus padres los 
eenalaban y dedicaban 6 para el Sol 
6 al Sefior que a, la sazon reinaba, 6 
para alguno de los muertos que tengo 
dicho, senalabanlos a su servicio ; y los 
que eran para el Sol, estaban en sus 
casas, que eran muy grandes y muy 
cercadas, ocupandose las mugeres en 
hacer chicha, que era una manera de 
brebaje que hacian del maiz que be- 
bian como nosotros el vino, y en guisar 
de comer ansi para el Sol como para 
los que le Servian: habian de estar 
recogidas de noche todas sin salir 
fuera destos cercados y casas, que 
tenian muchos porteros que las guar- 
daban y una sola puerta que en estas 
casas y cercado vi yo: no habia de 
dormir ni quedar de noche ningun 
varon so pena de la vida porque si 
se supiera (vi la orden que era como 
tengo dicho) el que todo lo dispensaba 
y mandaba en sus ritos los hiciera 
matar, porque a este obedescian y 
temian en sus ceremonias y ritos. 



De dia podian salir estas mugeres, y 
estas se llamaban mamaconas: las que 
eran para el servicio estabaji ansi como 
tengo dicho, en otros lugares muy 
cercados teniendo puertas y porteros 
que las guardaban: ocupabanse ansi- 
mesmo en lo mesmo que tengo dicho 
hacian las del Sol, y en servir a las 
hermanas de los Ingas. Las que esta- 
ban con los muertos tenian mas li- 
bertad, porque aunque estaban encer- 
radas en sus casas no estaban tan 
opremidas como las demas ya dichas. 
En todo este reino del Piru habia 
esta orden de mamaconas en pro- 
vincias, juntandose en la mayor pro- 
vincia y cabeza que ellos tenian 
senalada, trayendo alii todas las hijas 
de los indios principales; y en sus 
mismos pueblos, aunque fuesen peque- 
fios tenian casas de recogimiento para 
recoger las hijas que nacian de todos 
los indios: en siendo de edad de diez 
afios estas se ocupaban en ayudar a 
hacer las sementeras del Sol y del 
Inga y en hacer ropa delgada para 
los sefiores, digo en hilar lana porque 
el tejella varones no querian. Asi 
mismo estas se ocupaban en hacer 
chicha para los indios que cultivaban 
las tierras del Sol y del Inga, y para 
si pasaban guarniciones de gente de 
guerra por su tierra dalles de comer 
y desta chicha. La orden que tenian 
para dar mugeres a, los indios y re- 
novar estas mamaconas, era que de 
afio a afio el gobernador que gober- 
naba las provincias que el Inga tenia 
puestos, que eran orejones . . . este 
cada ano juntaba todas estas mama- 
conas en la plaza y las que eran ya 
mayores para easar les decia escogie- 
sen los maridos que querian de su 
pueblo, y llamados a, los indios lea 
preguntaban que con que indias se 
querian casar de aquellas, y por esta 
orden cada ano iba easando, sacando 
las mayores y metiendo otras de edad 
de diez afios como tengo dicho. Si 
aeaso habia alguna india destas que 
fuese muy hermosa, la enviaban al 
Sefior. Estas se llamaban mama- 



254 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



conas: esto era muy comun en todo 
este reino del Pirti. ' ' 

Thus far statements of parties who 
saw Indian society in Peru while in 
its primitive condition. It shows that 
the mamaconas (literally, mothers, 
from "mama"- mother— and the 
plural ' ' cuna ' ') were in fact a tribute 
in women exacted by the Cuzco tribe, 
and, secondly, that chastity on their 
part was only relative, not absolute. 
The buildings in which such women 
were kept under guard were neither 
more nor less than storehouses shel- 
tering a tribute in women. 

Juan de Betanzos may have come 
to Peru with Pizarro, but it is more 
prudent to suppose that he came to 
Peru at an early day, and certainly 
prior to 1542. In his Suma y Narra- 
tion, Cap. xiii, p. 85, he mentions 
that women and men of the settle- 
ments around Cuzco in the fifteenth 
century were required to manufacture 
clothing for the Cuzco tribe: "Man- 
daron que luego en sus tierras fuesen 
juntas muchas mujeres, e puestas en 
casas y corrales les fuese repartida 
mucha lana fina e de diversos colores, 
y que ansimesmo fuesen puestos y 
armados muchos telares, e que ansi 
hombres como mujeres, con toda la 
mas brevedad que fuese posible, hicie- 
sen la ropa que les habia cabido . . <. 
Y esta ropa ansi hecha e acabada, 
fue traida a la ciudad del Cuzco. " 
While (p. 127) he uses the term 
*' mamaconas ' ' to designate women 
destined to attend certain idols or 
fetishes, he does not mention any 
forcible or voluntary reclusion on 
their part. But what we possess thus 
far of the work of Betanzos is un- 
fortunately a fragment. 

Cieza, who came to Peru at least 
eight years later than Betanzos, is 
perhaps the most uncritical panegyrist 
of so-called Inca " civilization ' ' of 
the sixteenth century. In Segunda 
Parte de la Cronica, p. 106, he treats 
of the recluse women in the following 
manner: "A las puertas destas casas 



estaban puestos porteros que tenian 
cargo de mirar por las virgenes, que 
eran muchas hijas de senores prin- 
cipales, las mas hermosas y apuestas 
que se podian hallar; y estaban en el 
templo hasta ser vie j as; y si alguna 
tenia conocimiento con varon, la mata- 
ban 6 la enterraban viva, y lo mismo 
hacian a el. Estas mujeres eran 
Uamadas mamaconas; no entendian 
en mas de tejer y pintar ropa de lana 
para servicio del templo y en hacer 
chicha, " etc. Previously (p. 68), 
among the tribute exacted by the 
Inca, he enumerates: "y de mugeres 
y muchachos; los cuales se sacaban 
del pueblo sin ninguna pesadumbre, 
porque si un hombre tenia un solo hi jo 
6 hija, este tal no le tomaban, pero si 
tenia tres 6 cuatro, tomabales para 
pagar el servicio. " Still previous 
(p. 33) we find the following state- 
ment: "No habia ninguno dellos que 
no tuviese mas de setecientas mugeres 
para servicio de su casa y para su 
pasatiempo; y asi, todos ellos tuvie- 
ron muchos hijos que habian en estas 
que tenian por mugeres 6 mancebas, 
y eran bien tratadas por el y estima- 
das de los indios naturales; y aposen- 
tado el rey en su palacio, 6 por donde 
quier que iba, eran miradas y guarda- 
das todas por los porteros y camayos, 
ques nombre de guardianes; y si al- 
guna usaba con varon, era castigada 
con pena de muerte, dandole a, el la 
misma pena." It should not be over- 
looked that Cieza, out of ignorance 
of the rules of Indian relationship in 
Peru, also asserts that the chiefs inva- 
riably married their sisters; also that 
in one of the foregoing paragraphs 
he uses the term "virgins" quite a 
priori. Garcilasso de la Vega (Co- 
mentarios, I, fol. 78) denies there 
were any women inside of the houses 
of worship at Cuzco, thus contradict- 
ing Cieza. While his work is much 
posterior to that of Cieza, he was at 
Cuzco when the latter made a com- 
paratively short visit to that (then 
already Spanish) town, lie asserts 



ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 255 



(Comentarios, I, fol. 78): "Tampoco 
entraua mugeres en ella, aunq fuessen 
las hijas y mugeres del mismo Bey." 
Further on: "saluo q en la casa del 
Sol no auia seruicio de mugeres. " In 
Book IV, Cap. i and II, fol. 81 and 
82, he treats at length of the "vir- 
gins, ' ' making the significant remark : 
"Porque auiendo de tener hijos el 
Sol como ellos imaginauan, no era 
razo q fueran bastardos, mezclados de 
sagre diuina y humana. Por tato 
auian de ser legitimas de la sangre 
Eeal q era la misma del Sol." When 
Garcilasso states the "virgins" had 
to have children, it is not meant 
figuratively. Pedro Pizarro, while 
stating: "Eneste buhio donde digo 
estaba el Sol, dormian cotidiano mas 
de docientas mugeres hijas de indios 
principales, " adds: "y fingian ellas 
dormir alii y que el Sol se ayuntaba 
con ellas." For the present I limit 
myself to these indications gathered 
from earliest sources. They seem to 
establish, as already observed, that 
the mamaconas, including those on 
Titicaca Island, were not vestals, and 
that the institution was a part of the 
Inca system of tribute. It may be 
that, as some of the recluse women 
were occasionally sacrificed, they were 
kept virgins for that purpose, as is 
indicated by Eamos: Historia, etc., p. 
12 et seq. : ' l Sabido es que a seme- 
janza de las Vestales de Eoma, tuvo 
el Peru virjenes dedicadas al sol, 
habiendo muchas casas de ellas en el 
imperio, y por lo menos una en cada 
provincia; en que habia dos clases 
de doncellas, unas llamadas asi, y 
otros Mamaconas, que eran las maes- 
tras de novicias: estas eran admitidas 
a los ocho anos y se criaban en reco- 
jimiento hasta los quince o diez y 
seis. En esa edad las sacaban para 
desposarlas con el Inca o con sus 
capitanes favoritos, aunque esto se 
hacia rara vez en las fiestas mui prin- 
cipales y con orden espreso del sobe- 
rano. Cuando despues se ensangrento 
el culto, algunas tambien las sacri- 



ficaban al sol. "—" Cuando despues 
en las fiestas principales sacaban al- 
gunas para ofrecerlas en sacrificio al 
sol, esas mas infelices Ifijenias eran 
degolladas. " (P. 15.) "Cuando es- 
tas ninas dedicadas al sol llegaban 
a edad florida debian guardar per- 
petua virjinidad, mientras el Inca no 
las escojese, pues era el interprete 
soberano y el representante vivo del 
sol." (Italics mine.) 

68 In addition to the testimony pre- 
sented, I refer to Eamos, p. 13. 

68 The Chincana is the only build- 
ing, of Inca origin, on the Island 
capable of accommodating a larger 
number of people; the ruin at Kasa- 
pata excepted, which, as shown, was a 
"tambo. " The house of the women 
had to be close to the places of wor- 
ship or shrines, and there is no vestige 
of any edifice in that vicinity that 
could have been suitable for the pur- 
pose. 

70 Relatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 
413. 

71 See foregoing notes. 

72 1 believe to have shown that the 
first occupation of the Island by Incas 
occurred between 1450 and 1500, hence 
the constructions date from that 
period, if it is true they were made 
during the term of office of Tupac 
Yupanqui. 

73 See annexed photograph. 

74 Cobo: Historia, etc., IY, p. 202: 
"La tinta dan a la lana y algodon 
en pelo, antes de hilarlo, y despues de 
sacada del Telar la pieza no usan 
darle ninguna. " 

75 Historia, etc., IY, pp. 57 and 62. 
Eamos, p. 10. 

76 Cobo : Historia, etc., IV, p. 169. 

77 Pedro Pizarro : Eelacion del Des- 
cubrimiento, p. 266; Garcilasso: Co- 
mentarios, I, fol. 76; and others. 

78 Arriaga : Extirpacion, Cap. n. 

79 Primera Parte de la Cronica del 
Peru, Cap. cm, p. 443. 

80 Historia general, IV, p. 261. 

81 The Relatione, etc., of 1534, 
fol. 413, already states the sacrifices 



256 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



were made "in vna gran pietra. y9 
Cieza: Primera Parte, p. 445; Garci- 
lasso: Comentarios, I, fol. 80; Eamos: 
Historic/,, p. 4 et seq.; Cobo: Historic/,, 
IV, p. 56. The latter states: "Como 
quiera que haya sido el Principio y 
origen deste santuario, el tenia muy 
grande antigiiedad y siempre f ue muy 
venerado de las gentes del Collao, 
antes que fueran sujetados por los 
Eeyes Incas. ' ' Also, p. 57. 

82 Aside from the descriptions of 
the ceremonials by authors who saw 
them after the conquest, like Cieza 
(Segunda Parte, Cap. xxix and xxx), 
eye-witnesses like Pedro Pizarro (Re- 
lation, p. 276) give a fair picture of 
the impressions made upon them by 
the ceremonials when seen for the first 
time. 

83 Historia, p. 63. This statement 
should be taken with reserve. 

8 * Ibidem, p. 59. 

85 Relatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 
413; Pedro Pizarro: Relation, p. 260. 
Later authorities concur. Already 
Cieza mentions a number of places 



where oracles were expected and be- 
lieved in, by the Indians— Primera 
Parte, p. 421, Pachacamac; p. 426, 
Cajamarca; p. 432, Jauja, and others; 
Segunda Parte, p. 109, near Cuzco; 
p. 110, Vilcanota; p. Ill, Ancocagua; 
p. 112, Koropuna. Relation y declara- 
tion del modo que este valle de Chin- 
cha y sus comarcanos se gobernaban, 
etc., Hoc. de Espana, Vol. L, p. 221: 
"Los Yungas no adoraban al Sol sino 
a Guacas, y no a todas sino aquellas 
que daban respuesta, y no siempre, 
sino cuando las habian menester. " 
This report, which bears date Febru- 
ary 22, 1558, is by the Dominican 
Fray Cristobal de Castro; the Rela- 
tion de la Religion y Ritos del Peru, 
about 1560, by Augustine monks: 
(Hoc. de Indias, III, pp. 16, 18, 19, 
21, 25, 27, 28, et seq. This document 
treats, as already stated, of Huama- 
chuco; also, about Pachacamac, 
Xerez: Verdadera Relation, and 
Hernando Pizarro: Carta. It is not 
necessary to quote authors of a later 
date. 



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THE BUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 



Plate LXI 

Casket of andesite with cover which contained ancient poncho (see text) 
from the vicinity of Muro-Kato 



Pabt V 
THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 

AND A GLANCE AT ANTIQUITIES OF COPACAVANA 



THE longitudinal axes of Titicaca and Koati are ap- 
proximately parallel, and there are analogies between 
the two Islands that bear upon the distribution of aborigi- 
nal establishments on their surface. The northwestern 
extremity of each Island is narrow and rocky, especially 
that of Kioati. Uila-Peki, the "Bed Head" of Koati (see 
map of the Island, /), is a sheer cliff of red sandstone, and, 
seen from the Lake, it is very conspicuous. 1 On the south- 
eastern end of Koati there are cliffs also but they are not 
as striking as the bold promontory in the northwest. The 
two main groups of Inca ruins, still extant on Koati, are 
found at Inak-Uyu (house of women) on the northern slope, 
and on the crest called "Bed Head." The former ruin (a) 
recalls, in situation, the Pilco-Kayma on Titicaca ; the other 
(b) Kasapata. 

So-called Chullpa remains are few on Koati. What we 
were able to discover were burial cysts. A few of them 
differ from those on Titicaca in that they are double; that 
is, two graves superposed and separated by a cover con- 
sisting of at least two slabs. They are of a somewhat better 
make than those at .Ciriapata and elsewhere. Most of them 
had been searched previously, so that the yield was poor, 
and the pottery as well as the few skulls secured were of 
Chullpa type. We found these graves on, or close to, the 
crest of the Island. This crest bears, along the whole line, 



260 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

the vestiges of a wall of varying width, that seems to have 
been mostly constructed out of rocky debris that formerly 
covered the slopes. From this wall, others descend like 
ribs, chiefly on the east side. Andenes, ancient and modern, 
run along the flanks of Koati, but it is chiefly the northeast- 
ern slope, the one exposed to the sun, that bears marks of 
cultivation. The southwestern declivity is so much in the 
shade as to be notably colder than the other. Hence Inca 
structures lie, either on the crest, like those near Uila-Peki, 
or on the eastern slope, as Inak-Uyu. Of Chullpa buildings 
we saw no traces. 

In connection with the wall on the crest we noticed 
vestiges of a quadrangular building. 2 The foundations 
indicate a structure measuring thirty-six by thirty feet, 
and the only side wall still defined is about four feet thick. 
Another ruin stands at c. Three rooms, divided from each 
other by (now ruined) partitions two feet in thickness, 
occupy the southern end of a fairly made anden (c). Their 
aggregate length is fifty-eight feet, their width nineteen. 
We could not obtain any information concerning these 
structures; the Indians did not even have a name for the 
sites. All they said was, that they were Inca, Not a pot- 
sherd was found about them and excavations proved fruit- 
less. Indians from the Island and from Sampaya had long 
ago rifled both localities, although they claimed to know 
nothing about them. 

The ruin which has attracted the attention of visitors to 
Koati is the one called Inak-Uyu (map, a). Squier calls it 
"Palace of the Virgins of the Sun," 3 but believes that it 
was a "Temple of the Moon." Wiener does not seem to 
have visited the Island, else he could not have written: 
"The monuments of the Island of Koati are in a state of 
complete destruction." 4 Inak-Uyu is, on the contrary, 
one of the best preserved ancient buildings on the two 
Islands. Certain portions are torn down, but the lines of 
walls can everywhere be traced, and the facades bear, in 






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THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 261 

places, a thick coating of plaster, made of mud with ichhu- 
grass, that gave to the walls an appearance of neatness 
and finish which the rough stonework now exposed is lack- 
ing. Father Sans, following Eamos, calls Ihak-Uyu a 
"Temple of the Moon." Cobo, agreeing with Eamos and 
Calancha, states (speaking of the deeds of Tupac Yupan- 
qui) : "But, not satisfied with what had been done for the 
adornment and lustre of this sanctuary (Titicaca), thinking 
yet that he was not complying fully with his obligations 
and was not attending with sufficient care to the worship of 
the sun if he did not assign to it a woman, and even women, 
for its use and service, he determined upon doing it. "While 
in this frame of mind he found a good opportunity which 
was the Island of Coata or Coyata, so called after Coya 
which is the same as queen, and he constructed on it a 
sumptuous temple, in which he placed the statue of a 
woman, from the belt upwards of gold, and from the belt 
down of silver, which was of the size of a woman and rep- 
resented as being the image of the moon. So that besides 
the live women that on Titicaca were dedicated to the sun 
for its service, this idol was dedicated to it also under the 
name of its spouse, in representation of the moon, al- 
though others claim that this figure and statue was called 
Titicaca, and say that it represented the mother of the 
Incas. Be it one or the other, the statue was carried to the 
city of Cuzco by the Marquis D. Francisco Pizarro, who 
sent three Spaniards for it. In presence of this diversity 
of opinions it is difficult to arrive at any conclusion." 5 

The situation of Inak-Uyu is very handsome. Standing 
on the slope of the Island, it gets the full benefit of whatever 
light and heat the sun affords in these altitudes. The view 
is not as extensive as from many points on Titicaca, but 
the peaks of Sorata are seen to much greater advantage. 
The building occupies part of the highest one of four ter- 
races, carefully leveled, and these terraces descend towards 
the Lake in regular steps, each faced by a wall of very good 



262 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

workmanship. The platforms are respectively from seven 
to nine feet in height and irregularly quadrangular, for as 
they take up the whole ravine they adapt themselves to its 
sinuosities. Their aggregate depth, from the southern wall 
of Inak-Uyu to the northern margin of the fourth platform, 
is 340 feet, and the total elevation, thirty-four. From the 
hase of the lowest platform to the Lake shore, the distance 
is about 100 feet more and the difference in level, sixty- 
three ; so that the rear wall of the ruin stands ninety-seven 
feet above the lake and is horizontally 440 feet distant from 
it. On both sides of the ravine slopes are covered with 
ancient andenes, in the same manner as near Yumani and 
the Pilco-Kayma. The Indians call the first platform and 
the buildings on it Inak-Uyu, the one next following Kalieh- 
Pata. The wall of the latter is the best specimen of ancient 
masonry found either on Titicaca or on Koati, and many 
of its well cut blocks (which are fitted without any binding 
or mortar) are said to have been carried to Juli for the 
construction of one of its churches. At the foot of the same 
wall (which is provided, besides, with good steps leading up 
to the terrace) stand two buildings of smaller size, one in 
each corner, that recall the outhouses at the Pilco-Kayma. 
They are reduced to low. walls, so that only size and 
outline can be ascertained. From the face of the fourth 
terrace, descent to the beach is by steps also, but the 
andenes are less regular, much narrower, and considerably 
higher. 

The main edifice occupies the approximate north, south, 
and west sides of the uppermost platform. The western or 
central part has a front of 178 feet, and its width is twenty- 
four. It is divided into thirteen compartments, most of 
which would have to be freed from rubbish in order to dis- 
cover details, a work of long time and considerable expense 
which it is hardly worth while to undertake. Among these 
thirteen subdivisions are a number of narrow ones similar 
to gangways, and one of these, at the southern end, is so 



ijdfo'j A. 



Plate LXIII 

Architectural details from the Chincana 

Doorways and niches, etc. (see text) 



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THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OP KOATI 263 

much lower than the roof of the room adjoining that it 
appears almost subterraneous. The two central rooms are 
best preserved. A hall or passage, to which we could find 
no entrance, separates them. These rooms are the most 
striking features of the edifice. The doorways by which 
they are entered are each thirteen feet and four inches 
wide, and in the rear wall are very elaborate niches, the 
finest on either island. They are still partly plastered, and 
their greatest widths are respectively twelve and a fourth and 
twelve and a half feet, their greatest height being fourteen. 
They are, therefore, exceptionally symmetrical, in general 
dimensions, whereas in detail they differ. Their depth is 
six feet in one and six feet three inches in the other. The 
innermost recesses are respectively three and a half and 
four feet deep. Besides these very prominent niches, each of 
the two rooms has four smaller ones, two on the south and 
two on the north side. The other compartments of this part 
of the building are in a state of dilapidation, although the 
walls stand to a considerable height. The roofs are gone, 
and while it seems as if the building had had two stories, it 
is impossible to determine their elevation. It appears 
to-day as if the two large doorways were the only entrances 
to this section from the front, but the plan given by Mr. 
Squier, and made when the structure was in a better state 
of preservation, shows entrances to each of the southern 
rooms and also communicating doors, of which, at present, 
nothing is seen. He also marks several flights of steps that 
are either destroyed or covered by rubbish. A comparison 
of his plan with ours is therefore indispensable, as .well as 
with the plan given by Eivero and Tschudi. "With the ex- 
ception of discrepancies in dimensions (almost inevitable 
in measurements made by different parties) and the error, 
common to all older surveys, of assuming right angles, 
whereas Indian ruins are rarely rectangular, the three plans 
will be found to agree fairly well, and the two diagrams 
anterior to ours restore many details no longer found. The 



264 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

same can be said about the two wings of the building. Our 
plan gives the same subdivisions, the same interior arrange- 
ment, as those of our predecessor, but we found them in a 
far more advanced stage of decay. Each of these wings 
has a niched doorway in the middle (about) of its front, 
flanked by two large niches, one on each side. The south- 
ern wing resembles the main body, inasmuch as it has a 
series of rooms; the northern is divided by a curiously 
irregular court, one wall of which forms almost a curve. 
That court occupies the corner of the terrace on the north. 
The south wing has an annex, part of which stands on the 
platform of Kalich-Pata, hence on a lower level. On our 
plan we have indicated thirty-nine compartments of every 
description, including rooms, halls, passages, and low gang- 
ways covered with roofs, besides the irregular court of 
which the people rightly say that it has "eleven corners." 

The rooms are not large, the largest one measuring twenty- 
two by fourteen feet. Small niches are found everywhere, 
but only the two middle apartments of the central section 
have tall and ornate recesses. These two apartments must, 
therefore, have served for some special purpose. The walls 
are of very unequal thickness, varying between two and eight 
feet. Their height also is unequal now, owing to decay, still we 
found cornices at an elevation of thirteen feet. The cornice 
consists of three slabs successively overlapping or project- 
ing, and together two and a half feet thick. In another 
place, a lower story, eleven and a half feet high, is crowned 
by a wall of six feet, making the total elevation seventeen 
and a half feet. It looks as if most, though probably not 
all, of the building had been two stories, thus making 
Inak-Uyu the largest single building on either of the two 
Islands, as far as can be seen. 

In the whole structure we noticed a single tiny airhole, 
and that was connected with a very elaborate niche in the 
shape of a lozenge, similar to the niches near the Pilco- 





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THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 265 

Kayma. Lozenge-shaped recesses are in all three facades 
of Inak-TJyu, and they increase the ornamental effect. Un- 
less there were openings in the upper story, of which there 
is now no trace, the rooms of Inak-Uyn (except the two 
front ones) must have been as dark as any on Titicaca. We 
found no communication of any kind from the lower story 
to the upper. Adjoining a corner of the central part, there 
is a small structure on a lower level, descent to which is by 
a flight of four steps three and a half feet deep. West of it 
are walls indicating either rooms or small enclosures. The 
former seems more probable, and it is also possible that a 
portion of the space between the rear wall and the anden 
was built over. At least we noticed a row of slabs set in the 
wall at five and one half feet above the ground, and at one 
end of them a beam protruded. The slabs project about six 
inches, and between every two of them is inserted a smaller 
stone or pebble. Whether this indicates a ceiling or some 
contrivance for ascent it is not possible to decide. 

Only on the narrow and almost underground passages 
are roofs still extant. These consist of flat stones laid along- 
side of each other ; as at the Kayma and at the Chincana. I 
would call special attention to the passage ways of Ihak- 
Uyu. They are lower than the floor of adjacent apartments 
and yet not really subterraneous. They are surprisingly 
narrow. One of them is only two feet wide, the others 
nowhere exceed four feet. They seem long recesses rather 
than corridors. There are at least four diagonally opposite 
each other. 6 I also call attention to a curious niche in one 
of the rooms, which has the form of a crescent-shaped an- 
cient knife with a short handle. Of the W-shaped windows 
mentioned by Mr. Squier there is as little left as of pointed 
gables. 7 We cannot affirm, still less deny, their former 
existence. 

Although the southeastern corner is considerably ruined, 
it is clear that the three wings of the edifice were connected. 



266 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

The dimensions are, therefore, on the side towards the 
terrace: southern wing, seventy-seven feet, central part, 
178 feet, northern wing, retreating part, fifty-six feet, to 
which succeeds a room advancing twenty feet to the east and 
with a f agade twenty-two feet in width, so that the northern 
side of the structure is nearly symmetrical with the south- 
ern. The distance between the corners of outhouses along 
the edge of the platform is 134 feet. Adding to these 
twenty-two feet for the length of the northern, and twenty- 
eight for that of the southern projection, we find that the 
southern and northern wings are six feet wider apart on the 
eastern end of the terrace than on the western. Hence, 
while there is a certain symmetry, the building still shows 
the usual imperfections of ' ' rule of thumb. ' ' 

Koati has been, as well as Titicaca, the seat of desultory 
excavations. It does not appear that the Island was visited 
in 1533, although alluded to in the report of July, 1534. 8 
Statements concerning a possible visit to Koati in 1538, by 
order of Francisco Pizarro, are vague and contradicted by 
documents that purport to be from the time, Father Cobo 
states. He says: "He [the Inca chieftain Tupac Yupan- 
qui] found a good occasion [place] to carry out his inten- 
tion, which was the Island of Coati or Coyata, thus called 
from Coya which is the same as queen. And he erected 
(worked) in it a sumptuous temple where he placed the 
statue of a woman, of gold from the waist up and from the 
waist down of silver, which (statue) was of the size of a 
woman and represented the image of the moon. . . . Some 
say that this figure and statue was called Titicaca, and also 
that it represented the mother of the Incas. Whichever 
may be, the statue was carried to the city of Cuzco by the 
Marquis D. Francisco Pizarro, who sent three Spaniards 
for it." 9 Eamos says the idol at Koati was "after the 
shape of a Coya" and of gold, but he makes no mention of 
its translation to Cuzco by the conquerors. In the volumi- 
nous set of documents embodying the accusation of Almagro 



THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 267 

the younger against Pizarro, Hernando Pizarro is accused 
of attempting to "rob the gold and silver that was in the 
lagune of Titaca [Titicaca]," and that in consequence of it 
ten Spaniards were drowned. No mention is made of the 
metallic treasure being on an island. 10 That an attempt 
of some sort was made, is as good as proven by other 
sources from the time, also that it occurred in 1539. 11 

If the documents collected and published in abstracts by 
J. M. Vizcarra in 1900 are not spurious, we may conclude 
that no attempt was made by the Spaniards to reach Koati 
in the year 1539 even. The reason why is given as follows : 
"And when there came to the peninsula the captains Al- 
zures and the Illescas with the Franciscan Fathers, although 
they intended it in 1536, they could not get to it by reason 
of lack of time and because they thought it was, like that of 
the sun, deserted and abandoned." 12 The date of 1536 is, 
as I have already shown, doubtful, to say the least. I hold 
(until otherwise informed) the year to be 1539. 13 

As far as the sources at my command go, 14 an official 
search of the Island, or rather of the Peninsula of Copa- 
cavana and insular dependencies, took place in 1617. The 
object seems to have been the gathering of buried metallic 
wealth, to be employed in the construction of a basilica at 
the sanctuary of Our Lady of Copacavana. It is not devoid 
of interest to note the results of this search. According to 
inventory, Titicaca Island yielded thirty- three " plates' ' in 
gold weighing nine pounds and ten ounces, Koati 180 ob- 
jects representing a total weight of eleven pounds fifteen 
ounces three grains, and the Peninsula of Copacavana 
eighty-four objects weighing eleven pounds fifteen ounces. 
To these were added 367 in silver, weighing 419 marks and 
seven ounces. The silver was, in part, obtained from other 
islands also. The total value of these objects in gold and 
silver did not exceed 12,000 pesos and 70 maravedis. 15 

The report on the visit to Koati is stated as bearing the 
date of June 3, 1618, and having been executed and signed 



268 THE ISLANDS OF TXTICACA AND KOATI 

on the Island. 16 It is certified to by Fray Baltasar de 
Salas, author of the strange chronicle of Copacavana men- 
tioned in the third part of this monograph. It contains a 
fanciful description of the main ruins on Koati (rendered 
worse by changes and additions from the pen of Vizcarra) 
and the report on some few diggings made by direction of 
the ecclesiastic visitors. 

The first indication of some value which we meet is that 
in 1610 Koati was inhabited by " three or four families of 
from ten to twelve younger souls. ' ' Hence the Island was 
occupied in the first decade of the seventeenth century. The 
dwellings of these Indians stood on one of the terraces 
below Inak-Uyu. The description of the ruins alludes to 
three doorways "antemural of the temple/ ' and says that 
the " castle of the virgins" was to accommodate "two hun- 
dred souls consecrated to the sun; (and had) fourteen 
compartments of lower and upper stories, with as many 
turrets of house idols, on a platform 300 ells long by 200 in 
width." A temple of " the moon" is also mentioned. There 
are a few vague indications of features visible at the pres- 
ent day. 17 

The diggings brought to light a stone chest apparently 
similar to the chests found on Titicaca and which contained 
human remains supposed to be those of a female. It was 
accompanied by " various amulets, kippos and coins of gold 
and silver." The latter were manifestly bangles. 18 

There is no doubt that the official investigation of 1618 
really occurred, but statements about details are so involved 
in fanciful rhetoric and modern addition and interpretation 
that little more than the fact of the visit can be relied upon. 
It should not be overlooked, that Father Cobo was at and 
near Copacavana in 1617, but makes no allusion to the pre- 
tended visit of 1618, although it was already being organ- 
ized. Also that neither Ramos nor Calancha nor S. Nicolas 
have a word to say concerning Fray Baltasar de Salas. 19 
This does not, however, justify denial of the visit. 20 



Plate LXVI 

Objects in copper or bronze from Titicaca Island 

1, 2 ,3. Copper bangles. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. Beads. 9, 10, 11. Rattles. 

12. Finger-ring of bronze. 13, 14. Pendants. 

15. Bronze implement, possibly awl 



THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 269 

Yet, Cobo alludes to an attempt to search Koati for 
treasure made in 1617 : ' ' The report I heard while being in 
this province in the year one thousand and six hundred 
and seventeen is, that there are great riches (wealth) on 
the island of Coatd, whither at the time certain Spaniards 
went in a bark (boat) and could not find anything." 21 

In modern times, Koati and its ruins have been and are 
overturned and ravaged at intervals. The Indians from 
the village of Sampaya on the mainland and two former 
occupants of the isle, 22 have done much damage to the ruins 
and we were advised not to excavate the interior of Ihak- 
Uyu, or of any other building in general, since they were 
completely ransacked, a statement supported by appear- 
ances. The terraces in front of the buildings were said to 
have suffered less, but of these platforms only one was 
available— Kalich-pata. The others were covered with 
ripening maize and could not be disturbed. After probing 
the soil on the flanks of the ravine at various places we 
moved on to that terrace. 

The first diggings disclosed two stone cysts both of which 
were very well made. Only one of them contained some- 
thing, the other was empty. The first was rectangular, 
measuring thirty-six inches by twenty-one, inside. It had 
no cover and was found forty inches below the surface. Its 
depth being twenty-seven inches, the bottom lay more than 
five and a half feet beneath the surface. The sides consisted 
each of ixve regularly laid courses of prismatic stones, 
breaking joints, and the best work we have seen in any cyst 
with the exception of the grave Ciriapata, on Titicaca, con- 
spicuous for its rectangular shape. From the cyst on Koati 
five clay vessels of Chullpa type were obtained. The other 
was forty-two inches below the ground' and thirty-two 
inches deep, polygonal, and measured thirty-three and 
thirty inches across. The Indians declare that these cysts 
are Chullpa ; and their great depth beneath the sod indicates 
that they were made at an earlier date than the platforms. 



270 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

These were the only burials on Kalich-Pata. Excavations 
were then continued on the uppermost terrace. The ground 
was opened to a depth of two feet, on an area of about 200 
square feet. Lower down nothing was found. But in that 
space of 200 feet square a surprising number of objects 
were brought to light. They had been thrown together 
without order, as at Kea-Kollu-Chico on Titicaca, but there 
were no human remains among them, and the objects were 
all declared by the Indians to be Inca. Prominent among 
them were two bowls, most beautifully decorated in paint, 
and with handles representing each a puma with open 
mouth and the body of a snake. The heads of the animals 
with teeth, tongue, and palate, are very well executed. These 
bowls are the handsomest specimens of Inca ceramics 
which we have seen so far, and they are alike in size and 
decoration. Several other fine specimens of pottery were 
exhumed, together with six hollow silver figurines, repre- 
senting women, which the Indians call " Collque-Huarmi, ' ■ 
or silver women; and three figures of a non-descript 
animal, of thick beaten gold (not gold-leaf) with finely 
executed incisions bearing a remote resemblance to some 
of the carvings on the great gateway of Tiahuanaco. 23 A 
large number of stones and stone implements, fetishes, etc., 
of all shapes and sizes, were taken out, among which the 
following deserve particular mention : 

A human head of andesite, which rock is found only on 
the Peninsula, and not on the Islands ; this head appears to 
have been without body. 24 

Several toads of stone. Of such toads Eamos states: 
"Also they placed on the rocks some small idols of toads 
and other filthy animals, believing that by this they would 
obtain water." 25 The quotation shows that they were 
"intercessors for rain," like similar figures used for that 
purpose by the pueblo Indians of New Mexico. 26 

Two objects that appear at first sight to be smoking- 
pipes. What these pipe-like articles were used for, except 



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THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 271 

for smoking, I am unable to surmise. In regard to smoking 
among the aborigines before the conquest, I find the follow- 
ing in the edition of the work of Eamos arranged by Father 
Sans : ' ' It is true that the Incas were very fond of agricul- 
ture, and at Airaguanca, a village of Omasuyos, an old 
Indian showed me a plant called Topasaire, the leaves of 
which the Indians use like tobacco, assuring me that the 
Incas had caused it to be brought from a great distance. ' ' 
This passage, however, may be from the pen of the editor, 
hence modern, 27 as Calancha has no reference to it. The 
topasaire is a species of wild tobacco, for tobacco in Qui- 
chua is "sayri," and was known in Peru before the con- 
quest as a medicinal plant. 28 Sayri was taken in the form 
of powder (snuff) "to free the head." 29 Peru has at least 
three varieties of indigenous tobacco, according to Kai- 
mondi, 30 but all three grow in warmer climates. Of smok- 
ing I find no trace as yet, and still the stone objects found 
in this " cache' ' on Koati can hardly have been anything 
else but pipes. 

A great number of minerals, fossils, probably used as 
fetishes. Among the minerals are beautiful pieces of 
mamillary chalcedony, among the fossils, trilobites, etc. 

Coiled snakes of stone, that is, concretions which seem to 
have been, with a few slight artificial touches, converted 
into shapes recalling the coiled snakes of stone from 
Mexico. 

Fragments of silver leaf were found in considerable 
abundance. As stated, these objects were heaped together 
in the soil, without order or regularity, just as the deposits 
of human remains and artefacts at Kea-Kollu-Chico. Of 
many of them it may safely be assumed that they were 
votive offerings. In regard to others it is not easy to sur- 
mise why they were buried there. 31 Hardly had we made 
these discoveries when the Indians of the Island gathered 
on the spot and began to dig at random all around, with a 
greed that beggars description. We had found silver, gold, 



272 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

and handsome pottery, and that was sufficient for them to 
take hold of the premises and oust us if possible. They 
forthwith sent runners to Copacavana informing the owner 
of our find, at the same time exaggerating its importance. 
He prohibited further diggings by them, but we saw that 
there was nothing more to do, as the cupidity of the aborig- 
ines and their jealousy would leave us no peace, and 
eventually provoke a conflict with the owner himself. So 
we abandoned further work, with the deepest regret. The 
Indians confessed afterward to Dr. del Carpio, the pro- 
prietor of Koati, that they found more gold and silver, 
among it a number of what they called rayos or thunder- 
bolts. These, according to description, must be slices of 
metallic leaf cut in the form of snakes. 32 I recall here the 
snake-like additions to crosses on housetops, described in 
Part III. Dr. Carpio writes to me from Copacavana, that 
he caused further excavations to be made on Kalich-Pata, 
and that a few articles of gold and silver were found 
similar to those which we obtained, also pottery and stones, 
but in no considerable quantities. 

The finds on this platform of Kalich-Pata seem to indi- 
cate that Inak-Uyu was a shrine where sacrifices took place 
like those performed before the Sacred Eock on Titicaca. 

Of textures no considerable piece was found on Koati, 33 
for the same reason as on Titicaca, namely, excessive 
moisture. On the crest, a female figurine of massive silver 
was found by us in a stone cyst, and a few shreds of rather 
coarse cloth were attached to the feet of that figurine. It 
hints at the probability that this "silver woman" had 
originally been wrapped in cloth. This recalls the custom, 
mentioned by Cobo, of dressing or clothing fetishes or idols, 
at certain times and on certain occasions. 34 

The other ruin of importance on Koati stands, as already 
mentioned, on the neck immediately in the rear of the ex- 
treme northwestern point of the Island; the bold prom- 
ontory of Uila-Peki, or Eed Head. The neck is a plateau, 



i 



Plate LXVIII 
Inca andenes and details of Chucaripu 



THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 273 

not quite three hundred feet long, from south to north, and 
not over seventy feet across. The declivity on the west is 
very steep, and even sheer toward the end. On the eastern 
side the slope is not as rapid, and terraces go down to 
almost the water's edge. These terraces sweep around to 
the northward, abutting against precipitous cliffs. Seen 
from the height of Chicheria Pata (a), the tall and well 
built andenes present a striking appearance. The big wall 
along the whole length of the crest of the Island .terminates 
against the southern end of these ruins. The Eed Head 
itself bears some andenes, but its top is quite small, and we 
saw no traces of buildings on it. "What this northwestern 
extremity of Koati had in the shape of buildings, seems to 
be confined to the remains now called "La Chicheria,' ' a 
Spanish term of the country, used to designate a place for 
raising and enclosing goats and sheep. 

Father Sans, the editor of Ramos, regards these ruins as 
those of a house for secluded women, calling it "Accla- 
guasi," or " house of the selected." 35 Neither Calancha 
nor Cobo makes any mention of the place, hence the designa- 
tion may or may not be appropriate. The ruins are partly 
obliterated, much more so than the cluster at Inak-Uyu, the 
Pilco-Kayma, and the Chincana. If I were to compare them 
with any ruins on Titicaca I would select the Kasapata 
cluster, to which they bear considerable resemblance. 

The analogy in location between these two ruins, the 
Chicheria of Koati and Kasapata on Titicaca, is note- 
worthy. A glance at the general plans must satisfy any one 
of the truth of this remark. Both occupy the highest plane 
of a neck of land, both are divided into two groups sepa- 
rated by a level, and even the size and arrangement of what 
is left of the buildings display much similarity. The 
northern group of the Chicheria recalls the eastern of 
Kasapata, and the southern the western, with the so-called 
" temple.' ' The long rectangular edifice adjoining the 
court called to-day "Canchon de los Bailes de los Incas" 36 



274 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

(enclosed area of the dances of the Incas), on the west is, 
on a smaller scale, a copy of the " temple,' ' or, as we 
should call it, the tambo, of Kasapata. The proportions of 
length to width are nearly the same (about one to five). 
They are, unlike all the other edifices, long, narrow, and 
devoid of ornamental niches. If we compare the plan of 
the buildings uncovered by excavation at Kasapata with 
the northern group of the Chicheria, we find more analogies 
yet. In short it seems as if the two clusters had been con- 
structed for the same purpose. In that case the Chicheria 
would have been, on Koati, a small Inca settlement and this 
seems very likely. Its situation is such as to command an 
extensive view and it is the spot on that Island that lies 
nearest to Titicaca. It is probable that it was the original 
landing-place, where visitors to Koati found quarters dur- 
ing their stay. 

Excavations at the Chicheria yielded as good as nothing. 
The Indians had cleaned it out completely. On the western 
slope were a few graves with pottery and skulls of Chullpa 
type. The walls of the ruin have been sadly wrecked, and 
the southern part especially transformed as much as pos- 
sible into lots for goats and sheep. Hence it may be that I 
have left out on the plan vestiges which are ancient, because 
I regarded them as modern on account of transformation. 
Of ornamentation nothing remains, if it ever existed. There 
is one small niche, perhaps two, and two doorways, both in 
the same building. At the edge of the middle level stands 
a small rectangular structure recalling the well-made small 
houses of Ciriapata, Kea-Kollu, and the one in the bottom 
of Mama-Ojlia, close to the Sacred Eock. The masonry of 
the Chicheria, as far as seen, is like that of Kasapata, and 
the walls have about the same thickness. 

From what precedes it becomes apparent that on Koati 
we find the same architectural features of Inca origin as on 
Titicaca. But at Inak-Uyu, not only are details better pre- 
served, but there is greater elaborateness and decoration. 37 



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THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 275 

Inak-Uyu was probably the largest and most handsome 
edifice which the Incas caused to be reared on either Island. 
Tradition has it that it is also more recent than most, if not 
all, of the structures on Titicaca. It is stated that after the 
Incas had established an elaborate ceremonial on Titicaca 
they caused the buildings at Inak-Uyu to be constructed as 
accessories to the former. 38 Our investigations have shown 
that so-called Chullpa remains on the Island of Koati are 
limited to a few scattered burial sites. The reason for this 
may have been the distance from the mainland, absence of 
good water, for Koati has only one spring (on the south 
or shady side) and that spring is insufficient even for a 
small family. Of Chullpa buildings there is no trace, for 
the two smallest ruins have scarcely any resemblance to 
Chullpa structures. It is therefore probable that the Ay- 
mara paid little attention to this Island previous to the 
coming of the Incas, and that only the latter made of it a 
shrine. But that shrine was an accessory to the principal 
one at the Sacred Eock. 

In the preceding chapter I have suggested that the date 
of the Inca establishments on Titicaca was approximately 
1475. In regard to Koati a still later date must be adopted, 
and it is therefore doubtful whether the ancient buildings 
on that Island had in 1533 been in existence fifty years. 39 

I have called attention to a certain resemblance between 
the buildings at Inak-Uyu, their location and surroundings, 
and the cluster of the Pilco-Kayma on Titicaca. Both ruins 
stand near the eastern shores, and both occupy about the 
same position in relation to the peaks of Sorata. Both 
edifices face directly not sunrise, but the Nevados men- 
tioned. The two principal apartments in each ruin (with the 
most elaborate entrances and the tall and prominent niches, 
such as no other ancient building on either Island contains) 
open toward these peaks, not to the east ! From the Kayma 
it is distant Illimani, the extreme southern pillar of the 
Andes, behind which both sun and moon first appear above 



276 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

the horizon. From Koati, sunrise lies south of the Sorata 
group. The fact that both buildings are provided with 
exceptional niches shows that certain sections of them 
served for some kind of worship, whereas the remainder 
may have been reserved for attendants, male or female. 
The Pilco-Kayma was not the adoratory of the sun; so 
much appears certain. Neither do the old chroniclers men- 
tion any adoratory of the moon on the Island of Titicaca. 40 
The agreement, in position and disposition, between the 
only apartments of each ruin that bear marks of having 
been destined to religious purposes is significant, and if the 
Pilco-Kayma, as appears likely, was not a " temple of the 
moon, ' ' the same was the case with Inak-Uyu. I venture to 
suggest that both buildings were constructed for the same 
purpose, selection of the sites being governed by their posi- 
tion with regard to the most prominent and awe-inspiring 
object of nature within view, far and near, the majestic 
" Crown of the Andes.' ' The "Boyal Cordillera, ' ' as the 
Bolivian Andes are sometimes called, has three specially 
prominent landmarks, prominent through elevation, striking 
form, and massiveness. These are, in the north the Sorata 
group, in the center the Ka-Ka-a-Ka ("Karka-Jaque"), 
and in the south Illimani. Intermediate summits, while 
bold, are less imposing. Of these three pillars of the chain 
we know that Illimani was the object of special worship on 
the part of the inhabitants of its surroundings ; Hila-uma-ni 
(as its true name seems to be) being regarded as the most 
powerful fetish by the Indians around La Paz. 41 At the 
base of Ka-Ka-a-Ka, the tribes of Pucardni had their 
special shrine with a large stone idol. 42 To the Indians of 
the shores of Lake Titicaca (especially of the two Islands) 
Illampu and its twin brother are as impressive as the two 
first-named are for their vicinity. Therefore it is not im- 
possible that among the people on the Lake the Sorata 
peaks were the most prominent fetishes together with Titi- 
kala, and that the Incas, who already had adopted the Acha- 



Plate LXX 

1, Ground-plan of ruins in the bottom of southern Kon'a. 2i Niches. 
3. Ceilings of niches 



THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 277 

chila cult of the Sacred Rock, still further yielded in regard 
to those mountains, by establishing shrines where they are 
seen to greatest advantage. 43 These points are certainly 
Pilco-Kayma and Inak-TJyu! 

This suggestion by no means conflicts with the statements 
that at Inak-Uyu a colony of female attendants to worship 
had been established. On the contrary, the situation of 
Koati and its comparative inaccessibility render it very 
probable. Such females were, as we have seen, not exclu- 
sively dedicated to the sun, neither were they consecrated 
to the moon. Every place of worship of importance, every 
prominent settlement, had a house of such women. Thus, 
for example, they were established at Irma (known as 
Pachacamac), on the coast, where the principal shrine was 
not dedicated to the sun, but to some particular oracle of 
that valley. 44 The Incas did not, as often alleged, " en- 
force' ' sun-worship wherever they extended their sway, 
they merely added to already existing shrines of great 
importance places of worship dedicated to their own tribal 
cult. 45 

In the preceding chapter I have stated that Titicaca is 
frequently called "Island of the Sun," and Koati "Island 
of the Moon." It is abundantly proved that the Incas did 
not worship the sun as sun, nor the moon as moon. They 
considered both to be material and created objects. But it 
appears also that they conceived each orb to be the resi- 
dence or abode of some spiritual being, and there are 
indications that the sun was looked upon as Father and the 
moon as Mother, one being the husband and the other the 
wife. 46 This is exactly the primitive belief of the pueblo 
Indians of New Mexico. Hence we find, in descriptions of 
Inca idols, a certain contradiction. Sometimes it is stated 
that the figure of the sun was a circular or elliptical plate, 
again that it was a human figure, just according as the sun 
or the sun-father is meant. 

It is very likely that on Titicaca a chapel existed, in 



278 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

which stood an effigy of the sun-father, and on Koati one 
containing a statue of the moon-mother. The circumspect 
remark of Cobo that some say the latter was the " mother 
of the Incas" 47 is significant. The reverence paid to both 
was, on Titicaca and on Koati, a specific Inca ceremonial. 
Hence Sans states that on the Island the " great temple of 
six doorways ' ' was closed to all Indians that were not Incas, 
and to the Collas especially. 48 But there are indications 
that to the Sacred Eock on Titicaca, even the idols of the 
Incas were made to give special tokens of respect. Father 
Sans, the editor of Eamos, describes a ceremony performed 
on Titicaca which, if his statements are accurate, is a very 
good illustration of what I have suggested in regard to the 
worship paid to the spirits inhabiting sun and moon. He 
says, "when celebrating the solar feasts, particularly those 
of Caparaime (Capac-Kaymi) and of the Intipraime (Yn- 
tip-Eaymi), which months we shall explain when treating 
of the calendar, those of the partiality of the Incas placed 
all their idols on litters, called 'rampas,' decorating them 
with many flowers, plumage, and plates of gold and silver ; 
and with great and many dances carried them to the Island 
in procession ; there they put them in a large square called 
'Aucaypata,' where the festival was celebrated. There 
was the great temple of six doors, where no Colla Indian 
was allowed to enter or assist at the feast. 

"After having placed the idols they took off their foot- 
gear, their mantles, and prostrating themselves before them 
they worshiped, the principal one beginning and the others 
following, all taking off their 'Llautos' or diadems. First 
they worshiped the statue of the sun, then that of the moon, 
afterward that of thunder and the other idols; since each 
one had its particular effigy. The sun they represented in 
the form of an Inca of gold, of so much jewelry and bril- 
liancy as to cause awe; the moon as a queen of silver; 
thunder as an Indian of silver, also very brilliant. When 
the prostrations and adorations were over they raised their 



^aibuirgi: BaKlobm 



Plate LXXI 

1. Map of the Island of Koati. 2. Longitudinal and transverse 
profile of Koati 



THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 279 

hands, making with the lips as if kissing them, just as chil- 
dren do when they wave a kiss to some beloved person. 
Thereupon followed the dances, banquets, and amusements, 
which were the end and aim of all their efforts ; and to-day 
even they have not improved much." 49 

The square called i ' Aucaypata ' ' must have been in the 
immediate vicinity of the Sacred Rock, and the word is a 
Quichua name, for, very probably, the level at the foot of 
the cliff, or the square called by the Aymara "Tican- 
Aychi." The procession started from Copacavana, hence 
there was, at Copacavana also, a statue of the sun-father 
and one of the moon-mother ; aside from that of the princi- 
pal idol called Copacavana and described as a head like that 
of a sphinx without hands or feet. 50 The two effigies were 
regarded as those of man and wife, and superior to other 
Inca idols, but their peregrination to the Island was a 
tribute of respect to the shrine established there, hence to 
the rock which constituted that shrine! This proves that 
the supreme oracle on Titicaca was believed to reside in 
that rock. 51 

A similar visit, but from the Island of Koati to that of 
Titicaca, is described by Cobo : ' l The priests and ministers 
of this adoratory and of that of Coata had a great deal of 
intercourse, and there were many and frequent missions 
from one Island to the other, with great reciprocity, feign- 
ing the ministers of one and the other sanctuary that the 
wife of the sun, as according to their opinion the moon 
might do it, sent her respects, which the sun returned with 
demonstrations of attachment and mutual love; and in this 
they employed much time, and a great number of balsas 
that went back and forth between the two Islands ; and in 
order to represent this naturally, the principal minister 
in one of the adoratories dressed himself like the sun, and in 
the other an Indian woman played the part of the moon. 
They saluted each other, and she who represented the moon 
caressed him who represented the sun, asking of him with 



280 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

many flatteries to appear every day clear and benign and to 
never conceal its rays, so that he might fertilize the planta- 
tions until the time when rains would become necessary. 
Besides this, she asked that he might preserve the Inca, 
his life and health, and that of those who with such faith 
and devotion occupied themselves in his service and wor- 
ship. He of the sun responded with loving words and in a 
satisfactory manner ; and in such vanities and crazy doings 
the wretches spent the time of their blind and idle existence, 
and all terminated in drinking, which was their greatest 
bliss." Eamos alludes with less detail to the same cus- 
tom. 52 

It appears, therefore, that Koati was in constant inter- 
course with the religious establishments on Titicaca. The 
pilgrims who visited the latter Island went from it to Koati 
and the crossing was effected not from the Peninsula of 
Copacavana (Sampaya), as to-day, but from some point on 
Titicaca. As the pilgrims had to go first to the Sacred 
Eock, their journey to Koati started necessarily from there 
or from Kasapata. But, from either place, a voyage by 
balsa is almost twice as long as from Titicaca 's eastern 
shores! The most convenient point for embarking would 
have been the little Bay of Pucara. It is hence possible 
that in view of these frequent voyages the buildings at 
Pucara were erected, for Pucara is as well the natural port 
for Koati on Titicaca as the foot of the crest on which the 
buildings now called ' i Chicheria ' ' stand is the landing-place 
nearest to Titicaca on the Island of Koati. 

This frequent intercourse formerly carried on between 
Koati and Titicaca may enable us to form some idea of the 
probable object of those buildings on the latter Island, to 
which their present condition affords no clue. The re- 
semblance between Inak-Uyu and Pilco-Kayma in position 
and arrangement, not in size, leads to the inference that 
both may have been shrines dedicated to the ' ' Achachila ' ' 
worship of the peaks of Sorata. 53 The Chicheria, while 



Plate LXXII 
Ruins on eastern slope of Koati 



THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 281 

resembling architectural vestiges at Kasapata and prob- 
ably destined to the same end, hints at the possible purpose 
of the buildings at Pucara. The latter stood near a land- 
ing-place on Titicaca, for the frequent communications 
from one to the other Island. 

The number of residents on Koati during the time the 
Incas maintained their establishments there was certainly 
greater than it is to-day. The buildings, admitting that 
Inak-Uyu had two stories, may have contained as many 
as two hundred permanent occupants. 54 If, as is stated by 
some, most of these attendants were females, the number 
may have been even somewhat greater. For an abode of 
secluded women, Koati, especially the site of Inak-Uyu, was 
very well chosen. The long wall that ran along the crest 
barred access, and the little ruin (d, on map) served as a 
lookout; the Chicheria, and especially the Red Head, cov- 
ered a vast extent of horizon. Distance from the mainland 
at Sampaya is more than three times that from Yampupata 
to the Island of Titicaca, and whereas there are said to 
exist Inca ruins not far from the village of Sampaya on the 
heights, I find no evidence that there was any settlement or 
landing in front of Koati, on the Peninsula of Copacavana. 

The settlements on Titicaca and on Koati made by the 
Incas for the purpose of worship, are intimately connected. 
But they do not stand alone. To them pertained also what- 
ever establishments the Incas had on the Peninsula of 
Copacavana. Unfortunately, circumstances did not permit 
us to investigate the ruins on that Peninsula as it should be 
done. We know, by ocular inspection, that ruins of Inca 
type exist at Cusrjata, about a mile to the east of Copaca- 
vana. 55 From sources which seem to us worthy of cre- 
dence we ascertained that Locca, on the Peruvian boundary, 
three miles from Copacavana, bears traces of ancient Inca 
occupation. 56 At Yunguyu the abundance of handsome 
pottery of Cuzco type corroborates the statements that on 
certain sites, now occupied by dwellings and church struc- 



282 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

tures, Inca ruins were formerly extant. 57 At Yampupata 
blocks of cut stone, (andesite), like those near the Sacred 
Rock, were taken out of nondescript ruins. Lastly the site 
of Copacavana itself was partly occupied by Inca build- 
ings. 58 From all these places the Museum has received, 
through us, antiquities of Inca type. There are, on the 
Peninsula of Copacavana, seats cut in the rock. A large 
cluster of these lies at the very doors of the village. The 
Aymara Indians of to-day call them " Inti-Kala, ' ' stone of 
the sun. Among the Spanish-speaking inhabitants, the 
term " Tribunal of the Inca" is current, and to the curious 
lookout on the rocky summit west of the place the name 
"Gallows of the Inca" is given. 59 In short, there is no 
doubt that Copacavana was an ancient settlement, with 
possibly more inhabitants than the two Islands together, 
and not of as exclusively Cuzco or Inca character. Tradi- 
tion has it that "colonists" from various Peruvian tribes 
had been settled there, 60 and what gives some color to this 
assertion is, among others, the name of Chachapoyas, ap- 
plied to a site on the western shore of the Peninsula. 61 
Several family names of Indians about Copacavana are 
clearly Quichua, and may even be called specifically 
"Inca," like " Inca-Mayta, " " Sinchi-Roca, " and "Sucso." 
Of the latter there is conclusive evidence that they are of 
Inca descent, the original personal names, as was very 
often the case among Indians in Spanish America, having 
been converted into family appellatives. 62 Hence the 
existence of an Inca settlement on that Peninsula cannot be 
doubted. If subsequent researches should confirm the 
truth of the statement, made by Cobo and contemporaries, 
that the very narrow neck of land, separating at Yunguyu 
the northwestern body of the Lake from the Lagune of 
Uinac-Marca, was traversed by a wall constructed by the 
Inca (and this is not impossible), 63 that wall barred ac- 
cess to the Peninsula from the mainland and made of it 
and of the two Islands a completely secluded cluster in 



1 






THE KUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 283 

the midst of vast regions inhabited by Indians speaking the 
Aymara language. 

Very little is known as yet of the archaeology of Bolivia 
and southeastern Peru. But of Inca settlements, beyond 
that on Copacavana and the Islands, there are few archi- 
tectural remnants. Hence we may regard the clusters at 
Copacavana, on Titicaca, and on Koati as possibly the last 
outposts of permanent Inca occupation in the direction of 
the southeast. Inca sway, overawing tribes into tribute 
and occasional military assistance, may have gone farther ; 
and through inroads, barter, or exchange, articles of Inca 
manufacture have penetrated beyond the territory swayed 
over. It must be remembered that independent Quichua 
tribes occupied southern Bolivia. 64 It is also worthy of 
note that between Copacavana and Cacha near Sicuani, 
where Inca structures appear, there are comparatively 
few traces of permanent occupation by the conquering 
Cuzco tribe. It is asserted that the Islands of Apingiiila 
and Pampiti, on the Peruvian side of the Lake, near Huan- 
cane, contain Inca ruins, but these remains are, according 
to Spanish chroniclers after local traditions, those of places 
of worship also, established by the Incas on the two rather 
inaccessible islands, in the beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
tury. 65 Inca establishments on the Lake bore chiefly a 
religious character, and were maintained, on Titicaca and 
vicinity, alongside of a worship of much older date, which 
the Incas not only suffered to exist, but actually adopted, 
even subordinating their tribal worship, on certain occa- 
sions, to a cult extant previous to their coming. This is 
still further exemplified on the Peninsula of Copacavana. 
The worship of the Sun-father and Moon-mother is stated 
as having been established at that place, also; but the 
fetishes " Copacavana, ' ' "Copacati," and others, remained 
for the Aymara the principal idols, 66 just as the Sacred 
Rock was the main shrine on Titicaca. 

This concession, made by conquerors to the religious be- 



284 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

lief s of the conquered, appears, on the part of the former, 
as an act of unusual wisdom. It consolidated the supremacy 
of the Incas far more than any military establishment. It 
is also stated that the Incas were induced to worship, on 
Titicaca, by very ancient traditions which made that Island, 
and especially the rock of Titi-Kala, as sacred to them as 
to any Aymara tribe. An investigation of this entails the 
treading of very unsafe ground, the field of aboriginal lore, 
of traditions and myths. 



NOTES 



THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 

AND A GLANCE AT ANTIQUITIES OF COPACAVANA 

PARTY 



x The vertical height of the cliff is 
170 feet. By rounding the ''head," 
a balsa or boat from Titicaca Island 
very soon reaches a point on the east 
shore where ascent to the ruins is 
quite gradual. From the west, ascent 
is more abrupt. The view, especially 
of Titicaca, is magnificent. 

2 The spot on which this ruin 
stands is, within a few feet, the 
highest on Koati. The Aymara call 
it: "Uila-Ke," from "uila"— red. 
The view is even more extensive than 
that from the "Red Head" and in 
the daytime approach to the Island 
can be observed in every direction. 
Uila-Ke is also one of the "Acha- 
chilas" of Koati. The others are 
Inak-Uyu, Inca Parqui, Taj -Save, 
Uito Pampa (the beach in front of the 
hacienda), Lambamani, Cheje-Puju, 
Vincalla, Choju Uintu, Cantutani, 
Acha Cunde, Isca Cunde, Tara-Ke, 
Uichin Pata, Tunas Pata, Uirta 
Kochu, Uaytir Pata, Hacha Putuncu, 
Inca Pampa, Anut'hem Pata, Arcu 
Puncu, Calvario Pata. I give these 
names as they were told us, without 
guaranteeing their exactness, and be- 
cause every one of these "Achachi- 
las" had to be addressed during the 
incantations ("tinka") that pre- 
ceded our excavations. 



3 Peru, p. 336: "The principal 
monument of antiquity on the Island, 
and which lends to it its chief inter- 
est, is the edifice called the Palace of 
the Virgins of the Sun, but which 
might probably better be called the 
temple of the Moon." Rivero and 
Tschudi (Antigiiedades peruanas, 1851, 
text, p. 297) treat of these ruins 
without having seen them, else they 
could not have stated: "Su arquitec- 
tura [that of ruins on Titicaca] es 
inferior a la de las ruinas del edificio 
mas destruido de la isla de Coati, en 
la misma laguna, sin que se pueda 
descubrir si fue un palacio, 6 un 
templo. ' ' What remains of Inak-Uyu 
is better preserved in part than most 
of the ruins on Titicaca, the outer 
coating of clay still being visible in 
places. 

* Perou et Bolivie, p. 441. 

5 Historic/, de Copacabana, p. 56, 
et seq., edition of 1880, La Paz. His- 
toria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 59. 

6 Peru, p. 362. He describes a 
single one of these narrow passages, 
the one with a tiny airhole. It is not 
1 1 vaulted, ' ' but covered with flat 
stones or slabs. 

7 Peru, pp. 361 and 362. 
*Belatione Per Sva Maesta, fol. 

413: "in mezzo d'esso sono due 



286 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



picciole Isolette, nell ' vna delle quali 
e vna moschea, & casa del Sole." 
Also, fol. 410. The Spaniards had 
already heard of the "due Isole" at 
Cuzco, but, it appears, visited only 
Titicaca. 

B I have quoted this passage re- 
peatedly, but refer to it again here, 
on account of the word "Coyata. " 
The etymology of the name Koati is 
not unfrequently derived from 
' ' Coya ' ' which is said to be " queen. ' ' 
That this name was applied to the 
wife of the head war-chief is posi- 
tively stated by Garcilasso (Comen- 
tarios, I, fol. 86), together with the 
notice that the wife had to be the 
sister of her husband: "con su her- 
mana mayor, legitima de padre y 
madre, y esta era su legitima muger 
llamauanle Coya, que es tanto como 
Eeyna, o Emperatriz. ' ' Juan de 
Betanzos, however, who lived at Cuzco 
already twenty years previous to the 
birth of Garcilasso and was married 
to an Inca woman, positively states 
(Suma y Narration, p. 113): "a la 
cual mujer llaman ellos Pi ui uarmi y 
por otro nombre Mamanguarmi ; y la 
gente comun, como a tal mujer princi- 
pal del Senor, llaman, cuando ansi la 
entran a saludar, Pocaxa Intichuri 
Capac Coya Guaco-Chacuyac que dice 
'Hija del Sol e sola reyna amigable 
a los pobres. ; ' ' He repeats the word 
' ' Pihuihuarmi ' ' on page 115, calling 
her "mujer principal. " The deriva- 
tion of "Koati" I do not venture to 
investigate as yet. It seems probable 
that Coya was only an endearing title 
and not an official one. It appears 
first in Cieza: Segunda Parte, Cap. x, 
p. 33, and thence has passed into 
many older and modern books. Cieza 
is, however, by no means as reliable 
an authority as Betanzos. He was at 
Cuzco but a short time, and was not 
in any manner proficient in the Qui- 
chua language. The Indians of 
Sampaya pronounced "Koati," not 
Koati. The word is (like Titicaca) 
Aymara, and not Quichua. 



10 Acusacion contra Don Francisco 
Pizarro a S. M. por Don Diego de 
Almagro, Doc. de Indias, XX, pp. 331 
and 455. 

11 Ulan Suarez de Carvajal, Carta 
al Emperador, November 3, 1539, Doc. 
de Indias, III, pp. 200 and 201. 

12 Copacaoana de los Incas, p. 33. 
See Parts III and IV of this mono- 
graph. 

"Everything points to 1539 as the 
year when the Peninsula of Copaca- 
vana was visited by Gonzalo Pizarro 
and his officers, with an armed force. 

14 There exist certainly, in Spanish 
archives, papers relative to the prov- 
ince of Omasuyos, from the second 
half of the sixteenth century, but I 
am unable to consult them. Copaca- 
vana and the Islands pertained, as 
to-day, to that administrative district. 

15 Vizcarra: Copacaoana de los 
Incas, pp. 70 to 72. He claims this 
to be taken literally from the Inven- 
tario No. 1, signed by the "Justicias 
mayores" Santalla and Galvez. One 
of the "golden plates" was assayed. 
Its weight being nine ounces and one 
grain, it was found to contain four 
ounces eight grains in gold, three 
ounces six grains silver, and one ounce 
three grains copper (p. 44). 

16 Copacaoana de los Incas, p. 54. 
Vizcarra says the report is signed by 
twelve persons and that it bears three 
ecclesiastic seals. 

17 Ibidem, pp. 30 to 55. 

18 Ibidem, p. 51. 

u Andres de S. Nicolas, Imogen, 
etc., Prologo: "no obstante el auer 
ya escrito desta Efigie soberana, los 
Padres Fray Alonso Kamos Gauilan; 
Maestro Fray Fernando de Valverde, 
Maestro Fray Antonio de la Calancha, 
Padre Hipolito Maraccio, y agora 
poco ha, el Padre Fray Gabriel de 
Leon: fuera de los que en sus obras 
han hecho memoria de tan prodigioso 
Ketrato. " Not only is Father Salas 
not mentioned, but there is not, either 
in Eamos, Calancha, or S. Nicolas, any 
allusion to the official search of 1618. 



THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 



287 



20 These chroniclers might (?) not 
have considered the results of the 
visit to be of sufficient importance 
for a mention. 

21 Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 
p. 64: "La fama que yo oi estando 
en esta provincia el ano de mil y 
seiscientos y diez y siete, es que hay 
gran riqueza en la isla de Coat a; a 
la cual fueron entonces ciertos espa- 
noles en un barco y no pudieron hallar 
cosa. ' ' 

22 The latter even had parts of the 
walls scraped to ascertain whether the 
plaster contained pulverized precious 
metal. The parties were not Boliv- 
ians. 

23 The resemblance is not very 
marked, still it recalls to a certain 
extent the Tiahuanaco carvings on 
both sides of the central figure on the 
gateway. There is the following 
curious passage in Vizcarra: Copaca- 
bana, p. 171: "Gran sorpresa hemos 
recibido al encontrar cincelados en 
planchas de tumbaga los monstruos 
descriptos por el sancto Job . . . 
Cuyas formas esculpidas en bajo re- 
lieve, son de las misteriosas bestias 
Behemoth y Leviathan. " This is 
from Vizcarra himself. 

24 Ramos: Copacabana, p. 47: 
"Este idolo Copacabana estaba en el 
mismo pueblo, por el lado de Tiquina 
... el era de una piedra azul vistosa, 
y no tenia mas que la figura de una 
cara, como una cabeza de esfinje, sin 
pies ni manos. Estaba como mirando 
a Titicaca, como dios inferior que 
miraba al principal. ' ' This fetish or 
idol seems to have been Aymara, not 
Quichua or Inca. The large head 
found by us on Koati does not fully 
agree with the description of Ramos. 
It is of trachyte or andesite, and not 
I ' azul vistosa. ' ' 

25 Ibid., p. 71, edition of 1880: 
"Tambien ponian sobre las penas 
unos idolitos de sapos y de otros ani- 
males inmundos, creyendo que con eso 
ya alcanzaban agua. ' ' 

28 Final Beport, I, p. 312. 



27 Historia de Copacabana 1880, 
p. 9. 

28 In the note that follows I shall 
refer to what Garcilasso says about 
the use of tobacco in primitive times 
of Peru. Cobo: Historia, etc., I, p. 
403: "A la raiz del tabaco silvestre 
llaman los indios del Peru, Coro, de 
la cual usan para muchas enferme- 
dades. Contra la detencion de orina 
dar a beber en cantidad de dos gar- 
banzos de sus polvos, en un jarro de 
agua muy caliente, en ayunas, por 
tres 6 cuatro dias. Tornados estos 
polvos en moderada cantidad por las 
narices, quitan el dolor de cabeza y 
jaqueca y aclaran la vista: y el coci- 
miento desta raiz hecho con vino, 
echando en el un poco de Sal de 
compas y azticar candi . . . Bebida 
de ordinario el agua desta raiz, vale 
contra los dolores de bubas, " p. 
405: "De otra yerba llamada Topa- 
sayri hacen otros polvos en el Peru 
para estornudar, que son mas eficaces 
para esto que los del Tabaco. ' ' 

29 Garcilasso, Comentarios, I, f ol. 
51: "De la yerua 6 planta que los 
Espafioles llaman tabaco, y los Indios 
Sayri, vsaron mucho para muchas 
cosas; tomaua los polvos por las 
narices para descargar la cabeza." 
Also fol. 212. 

30 Antonio Baimondi : Elementos de 
Botdnica, Parte n, p. 158. 

31 Even the shreds of silver-leaf 
may have been offerings. Pedro Pi- 
zarro (Belacion, p. 273) mentions 
gold-leaf, but not as an object of 
sacrifice. At Chavin de Huantar, not 
far from Huanuco in eastern Peru an 
altar made of adobe was found by 
Mr. Beer, a French explorer, which 
altar was covered with silver-leaf torn 
to shreds. Silver-leaf is mentioned by 
Calancha as an offering of the coast 
Indians. Coronica moralizada, I, p. 
413: "I cada ano ofrecian oja de 
plata, chicha i espinco. " 

32 It may be that by these the 
coarse imitations of plumes were 
meant, of which several were after- 



288 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICAGA AND KOATI 



wards produced at La Paz as coming 
from Koati. These ornaments are 
found in copper, silver and gold, and 
were worn on headdresses of the 
same material. 

33 Nor have we heard of any find 
of that nature on Koati. 

34 Historia del Nuevo Mundo, TV, 
p. 84. 

35 From "acllani"— select, and 
"huasi" — house. Torres Eubio: 
Arte y Vocabulario, fols. 125 and 
117, et seq. 

36 ' ' Enclosure of the dances of the 
Incas. ' ' The phrase may be of some 
significance. The space looks like a 
square where public dances could be 
performed. In connection we might 
ask: Was not the open plateau be- 
tween the tambo called now "temple 
of the sun" at Kasapata and the 
ruins at the base of Llaq'-aylli per- 
haps put to the same use on Titicaca? 

ST Possibly, nay, probably, owing to 
more recent date of erection as well 
as to fewer visits to the Island. 

38 Eamos : Hist, de Copacaoana, 
1880, p. 56: "Como los gentiles y 
poetas dieron mujeres a. sus dioses, 
asi Topa Ynga Yupanque quiso darle 
Coya al Sol, y esa fue la luna: a la 
cual dedico un famoso templo, con 
ministros y doncellas a su servicio, en 
la pequena isla de Coati, en este 
mismo lago, dos leguas al Oriente de 
Titicaca; . . . Entre un bosque de 
esos frondosos arboles, en una que- 
bradita cerca de la playa, erigio 
Yupanque el adoratorio lunar, en 
cuya ara puso un bulto de oro, a la 
traza de una Coya, que representaba 
a la esposa del Sol. ' ' Fray Andres 
de S. Nicolas : Imdgen, f ol. 27 : 
"Para complemento de las falsedades 
del famoso adoratorio decreto el 
Tupac, que en otra isla, apartada vna 
legua de la primera, se fabricasse 
templo, consagrado a la Luna, con el 
nombre de Coata." Gutierrez de 
Santa Clara: Historia de las guerras 
ciuiles del Peru, III, Cap. lvi, p. 486 : 
"j por acesores tenian al Sol y a la 



Luna (diciendo) que eran marido y 
muger y que estos eran multiplicado- 
res de toda la tierra. ' ' 

39 Inca chronology is far from 
trustworthy previous to the time of 
the chief Tupac Yupanqui, but from 
his time on a reasonable approxima- 
tion to dates becomes possible. 

*°Cobo (Historia, etc., IV, p. 62) 
makes no mention of any shrine 
dedicated to the moon on Titicaca, 
nor does he mention the Pilco-Kayma 
at all. Neither does Eamos. 

41 Descripcion y Belacton de la Ciu- 
dad de La Paz, p. 71. 

^Calancha: Coronica, I, p. 867: 
"En los que gastavan mas sacrificios, 
i estremavan el culto era en el cerro 
Illimani Cullcachata, i en el mas 
frontero del Pueblo Cacaaca," etc. 

43 Cieza : Segunda Parte, Cap. 
xxvni: "Muchos fueron los templos 
que hobo en este reino del Peru, y 
algunos se tienen por muy antiguos, 
porque fueron fundados antes, con 
muchos tiempos, que los Incas reina- 
sen, asi en la serrania de los altos, 
como en la serrania de los llanos; y 
reinando los Incas, se edificaron de 
nuevo otros muchos en donde se 
hacian sus fiestas e sacrificios." 

44 This is already hinted at in Re- 
latione per Sva Maesta, f ol. 413 : " & 
in essa vanno a fare le loro offerte & 
sacrificij in vna gran pietra che e 
nell ' Isola che la chiamano Thichi- 
casa, doue 6 perche il Diavolo vi si 
nasconde, & gli parla, 6 per costume 
antico, como glie, 6 per altro che non 
s'e mai charito, la tengono tutti 
quelli della prouincia in grande stima, 
& gli offeriscono oro & argento, & 
altre cose." Cieza: Primera Parte, 
Cap. cm, p. 445: "La gran laguna 
del Collao tiene por nombre Titicaca, 
por el templo que estuvo edificado en 
la misma laguna; de donde los natu- 
rales tuvieron por opinion una vanidad 
muy grande, y es, que cuentan estos 
indios que sus antiguos lo afirmaron 
por cierto, como hicieron otras burle- 
rias que dicen, que carecieron de 



THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 



289 



lumbre muchos dias, y que estando 
todos puestos en tinieblas y obscuri- 
dad, salio desta isla de Titicaca el sol 
muy resplandeciente, por lo cual la 
tuvieron por cosa sagrada. " In re- 
gard to Pachacamae, the fact is too 
well established to require additional 
testimony. 

45 Cieza: Primer a Parte (p. 445): 
tl j los ingas hicieron en ella el 
templo que digo, que fue entre ellos 
muy estimado y venerado, a honra de 
su sol. ' ' See note 43. 

46 See note 38. 

47 IV, p. 59. 

48 Hist, de Copacabana, 1880, p. 31. 

49 Ibidem. 

50 Eamos: Copacabana, 1860, p. 48. 

51 Relatione Per Sva Maesta, fol. 
413. The story told by Anello Oliva 
(Historia del Perv, etc., p. 33) may 
be of Indian origin, but it is hardly 
primitive. 

52 Historia, etc., IV, p. 63: "Los 
sacerdotes y ministros deste adorato- 
rio y del de Coati tenian muy grande 
comunicacion, y habia muchas y muy 
frecuentes misiones de la una isla a 
la otra con grandes retornos, fmgiendo 
los ministros del un santuario y del 
otro que la mujer del Sol, asi como lo 
pudiera a su parecer hacer la Luna, le 
enviaba sus recaudos; los cuales el 
Sol le retornaba con caricias de tierna 
aficion y reciproco amor; y en esto 
gastaban mucho tiempo, ocupando en 
su ministerio gran cantidad de balsas, 
que iban y tornaban de una isla a 
otra; y para representar esto al vivo, 
se componia en el un adoratorio el 
ministro mayor, que representaba la 
persona del Sol, y en el otro una 
india, que hacia el persona je de la 
Luna. Brindabanse el uno al otro, y 
la que representaba a la Luna acari- 
ciaba al que figuraba al Sol, pidien- 
dole con caricias se les mostrasse cada 
dia claro y apacible y que nunca 
ocultase sus rayos, para que fertili- 
zasen los sembrados hasta el tiempo 
en que fuesen necesarias las lluvias. 
Demas desto, le pedia que conservase 



en vida, salud y reposo al Inea y a 
los demas que con tanta f e y devocion 
se ocupaban en su servicio y culto; y 
el que en nombre del Sol se fingia, 
respondia con regaladas palabras, 
suficientes a satisfacer; y en este 
desvaneo y locura gastaban los mise- 
rables el tiempo de su ciega y ociosa 
vida, y todo paraba en beber, que 
era su mayor felicidad. " 

63 This is, of course, a mere sug- 
gestion. 

M I base this estimate on the pres- 
ent condition of the ruins and on the 
situation of Inak-Uyu. It is not 
likely that there were any buildings 
except those now seen. 

55 This is especially indicated by 
some walls included in those of the 
present hacienda and by a tank made 
of one block of stone, circular in 
form, and in existence at Cusijata. 
This tank is a work of great patience, 
but not regularly shaped. See de- 
scription in Squier : Peru, p. 325, with 
illustration. The dimensions given 
by Mr. Squier fairly agree with our 
own measurements. 

86 This is also stated by Eamos : 
Copacabana, 1860, p. 27: "Antes de 
llegar a Copacabana puso el Inca en 
el lugar de Locca unos graneros, que 
llamaban Colcas, donde se almacena- 
ban viveres para el sustento de los 
peregrinos, de los ministros y del 
ejercito. " The Colcas or Collcas 
were mostly circular. 

67 Cobo : Historia, etc., IV, p. 58. 

B8 Eamos: Historia, etc., edition of 
1860, pp. 47 and 52. 

"Eamos: Historia, 1860, p. 31. I 
am in doubt as to whether the great 
slab lying across the gap in the rocks 
of Serocani has been placed there by 
hand of man or whether it is natural. 

60 Eamos: Copacabana, pp. 9 and 
10, et seq. Cobo: Historia, etc., IV, 
p. 58.* 

61 Eamos, p. 9. 

62 Just as, in Peru, the names Hua- 
man, Condorcanqui, Tupayachi, etc. 

63 It is mentioned by Cobo : His- 



290 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



toria, IV, p. 58: "y segun los indios 
cuentan, tuvo el Inca voluntad de 
abrir la tierra y que el agua de una 
parte y otra eercase 6 cerrase este 
promontorio, y que hiciese el efecto 
que la cerca. " Of the wall there are 
several mentions, by Cobo as well as 
by Ramos. 

64 The allusions to ' ' Inca con- 
quests" are not very reliable. 

e0 Our information about these 
ruins is from hearsay. The state- 
ments about the visit of Huayna 



Capac to the Islands are in Ramos 
(1860, Cap. xxm, pp. 42 to 44). Ca- 
lancha and S. Nicolas copied him. 
The Jesuit writers make no mention 
of it. Neither is there any allusion 
to buildings, in the works of the 
Augustines. The whole matter is 
rather vague and doubtful. 

M Eamos: Copacdbana, 1860, p. 48: 
' ' Tambien era de piedra de una fi- 
gura malisima to do ensartijada de 
culebras . . . Lo imploraban para las 
lluvias en tiempo seco. ' ' 



Plate LXXIV 
Architectural details of ruins of the Inak-Uyu 

1, 2, 3. Stone steps. 4, 5. Ornamented niche and section. 6, 7, Ceiling and 
niche. 8, 9, 10, 11. Details of walls 



.['vi A 



. 






9flOJS 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 
CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 






B 

O 
CD 

'be 

02 



: 



Part VI 

ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 
CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 



THE most authentic sources for aboriginal Indian tradi- 
tions are songs, orations, and tales, known to the mem- 
bers of religious or other societies of which every tribe has 
at least rudiments. Such societies sometimes preserve 
records from very remote times, through oral transmission. 
The substance changes but little in the course of centuries, 
but form may suffer modifications which distort the origi- 
nal picture or even shroud it almost completely. 

On the Island of Titicaca the changes which its Indian 
population has undergone, and the promiscuous origin of 
the present inhabitants, made it very doubtful if any origi- 
nal folklore was still to be found. Esoteric clusters exist, 
but they are not originally from Titicaca. Their present 
members may have been born there, but the lore with which 
they are acquainted is not indigenous to the Island ; at least 
in all likelihood. Its original occupants, Inca as well as 
Aymara, forsook Titicaca soon after the Spanish conquest, 
and the Island was repeopled only after several decades. 

Therefore, at the very beginning of our residence on Titi- 
caca Island we were assured that there was no trace of 
ancient folklore in the recollections of its inhabitants. Not- 
withstanding these assertions, we obtained several tales 
which, while liable to objections, still refer to pre- Spanish 
times and conditions. In so far as their main secrets of 
magic and their most important dances are concerned, the 

293 



294 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Indians of Titicaca confessed they were derived from two 
points on the shores of the Lake— Sampaya and Huaicho. 
It is, therefore, possible that the folktales which we gath- 
ered on the Island have come from one or both of these 
points. It is also possible that what the Indian of to-day 
gives as primitive traditions were related to his ancestors 
by Spaniards and especially by priests, and from data pre- 
served by writers of the sixteenth centuries. I shall record 
the few tales gathered by us, adverting that it was only 
little by little and with reluctance that the Indians became 
somewhat communicative on these topics. Their reticence 
might lead to suppose that what they told contains some 
authentic and primitive elements. 

The belief that, in times far beyond distinct recollection 
of man, the sun first rose from the Sacred Eock, or Titi- 
Kala, was mentioned to us by several Indians on the Island, 
one of whom, an aged blind man, also stated that the moon 
was created there. The large nodules of limonite, which are 
said to be tracks of the sun and moon, bear some rela- 
tion to this belief. One of our informants, an old wizard, 
told us that "the sun rose into the heavens from the Sacred 
Bock, in the shape of a big flame. ' ' But he also added that 
"the sun was the child of a woman" whom he called 
" Mama-0 jllia, who was the mother of Manco Capac. ,, 
About the origin of the moon he professed to be ignorant. 

"In very ancient times,' ' said he, "the Island was in- 
habited by gentlemen (caballeros) similar to the vira- 
cochas" (name given to whites by the Indians to-day). 
Whence these "gentlemen" came he knew not. "They had 
intercourse with the women of the people, and the children 
were deposited in caves, where they were kept alive by 
water dripping from the rock of the ceiling. After a certain 
time the mothers went to look after their offspring and 
found them alive and well. These children, who had thus 
been exposed, became the Inga-Re (Incas), and they drove 
out the gentlemen and held the Island thereafter. ' ' Whither 



2 

1 

o 

P< 
O 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 295 

the expelled "viracochas" retreated, the tale sayeth not. 1 
The narrator mentioned the names of two women who ac- 
quired some note on the Island, one of whom he called 
" Maria Ka, ,J the other "Mama Chocuayllo." About the 
Inca he remembered the names of Manco Capac, Viracocha, 
Huayna Capac, Eoca, Huascar, and Atahuallpa, saying of 
Huascar that the Spaniards killed him near the Island. 2 

In a subsequent conversation the wizard stated that 
Atauhuallpa lived on the Island and Huascar at Cuzco, and 
that after the time of the "Inga-Be" the Lake once dried up 
so completely that people from Huaicho came over on foot 
and killed the "Chullpa" then living on Titicaca. From 
one or the other Indian we obtained at least partial con- 
firmation of this. All seemed to agree that the sun had 
made its first appearance on the Sacred Bock, and that the 
"Inga-Ke" originated on the Island. 

While we were at the pueblo of Tiquina, the parish priest, 
Father Nicanor Vizcarra, related to us the following tale 
which had been told him by an Indian from Copacavana : 

"The Peninsula of Copacavana was inhabited prior to 
the time of the Inca by a tribe of rude Indians who owned 
flocks of llamas. Every evening the herders returned the 
flocks to the care of the chief of the tribe, and among their 
number was a dumb girl. For several months this girl 
failed to put in an appearance. The fact of the matter was 
that she had given birth to a male child in some cave on the 
Peninsula, and that a female deer was nursing it. The 
fatherless boy grew up in that cave, his mother visiting him 
daily toward evening. This went on for a number of years, 
until at last somebody followed her stealthily. He saw her 
approach the cave. A boy rushed out of it to embrace her 
and she returned his caresses. When this boy reached the 
age of manhood he begged his mother to give him a club 
and to make him three slings. With the aid of these 
weapons he soon became powerful, and this was the origin 
of the Incas. ,,3 



296 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

This tale has a slight resemblance to the Montezuma 
story as told in New Mexico. 4 But the bringing up of the 
child in a cave, and with the assistance of a female deer, 
also recalls the legend of Saint Genoveva and, in a way, 
that of Eomulus and Eemus! Legends of the saints, also 
bits of classical history, were frequently told the Indians by 
priests of the Catholic Church. 5 The tales from Titicaca 
and Tiquina agree, as we shall see further on, with Titicaca 
lore as represented by the majority of older sources in 
more than one respect, only the story of the hind is found 
nowhere else. Hence we may be permitted to ask, is it per- 
haps a post-conquistorial aggregate to primitive tales? 

Turning now to the earliest mentions of Titicaca lore by 
Spanish writers, I must premise that the first report on the 
Island, the one so often quoted by me (of July 15, 1534), 
makes no mention of ancient lore. 6 Gonzalo Fernandez 
de Oviedo y Valdes, who for many years carefully collected 
the data, written and oral, which his contemporaries 
brought back from the New World, and especially from such 
sections of it as were not known to him by personal inspec- 
tion, makes no mention of Titicaca lore, limiting himself to 
a brief statement of a Cuzco tradition, according to which 
the Incas had come to Cuzco from the outside and were not 
originally from that valley. 7 

Pedro Pizarro was an eye-witness of the conquest and 
took an active part in it. His report on Peru was finished 
in 1571, but is the result of observation and experiences in 
that country since 1532. I therefore place him here, as one 
of those who held earliest communication with the natives 
and saw Peruvian society while it was yet in its primitive 
condition. He briefly remarks : ' ' These Indians say that an 
Inga was the first lord. Some say he came from the island 
of Titicaca, which is an island in a lagoon of the Collao. 
. . . Other Indians claim that this first chief came forth at 
Tambo. This Tambo is in Condesuios, six leagues, more or 
less, from Cuzco." 8 



Plate LXXVII 

Objects of stone from Island of Koati, resembling tobacco-pipes, 
and excavated at Inak-Uyu 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 297 

In 1542 the Licentiate Cristoval Vaca de Castro, then de 
facto Governor of Peru, instituted the first official inquiry 
into ancient lore of the Cuzco Indians, the proceedings of 
which are given in a document entitled: Discurso sobre la 
Descendencia y Gobiemo de los Ingas, and published by the 
late Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. That investigation, 
carried on with a great deal of care and much sound dis- 
crimination, contains no allusion to lore about Titicaca, 
but places the origin of the Inca at Pacaritambo (Tambo) 
near Cuzco. 9 Aside from the value this document has for 
specific "Inca" history, it is important for mentioning the 
name of an author who is of great importance in connection 
with Peruvian Indian lore— Juan de Betanzos. He was one 
of the two Spaniards who controlled the examination of 
the Indian witnesses, being in 1542 already "one of the 
persons who knew very well the general language of this 
kingdom, and who wrote down what was declared by means 
of the Quipos." 10 

Betanzos is generally looked upon as one of the earlier 
companions of Pizarro. 11 He spent the rest of his life at 
Cuzco, having married an Indian girl from the Inca tribe. 
He wrote a Doctrina chripstiana accompanied by two vo- 
cabularies, previous to 1550, and which are still unpublished 
at the National Archives at Lima. While at work on the 
Doctrina, etc., 12 he also composed a history of the Inca 
entitled : Suma y Narracion de los Incas, finishing it about 
1551. 13 The manuscript was intact in the early part of the 
seventeenth century, 14 but was lost sight of afterward 
until, in 1875, the indefatigable and judicious student of 
Spanish- American history, Jimenez de la Espada, found the 
first eighteen chapters of it at the Library of the Escu- 
rial. 15 Of the rest of the book no trace has as yet ap- 
peared. Fortunately the fragment published contains what 
is of greatest importance here: the early traditions of the 
Indians of Cuzco and especially of the Collas or Aymara, 
gathered by Betanzos within ten, or at most fifteen, years 



298 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

after 1532. At such an early date Indian folk-tales and 
myths could not have been much contaminated through con- 
tact with the whites and, while there are, in some of the 
traditions recorded by Betanzos, inklings of extra- American 
influence, the substance appears to be authentic and primi- 
tive. The connection of Betanzos with the Inca through 
marriage, while of great advantage in many respects, ex- 
posed him to a serious danger; the same that lessened the 
value of works written half a century later by Indian writers 
in Mexico and, in a still higher degree, the value of the book 
of Grarcilasso de la Vega. His informants, being Inca, told 
only their side of the story, with a tendency to extol to 
the conquerors (whose favor they were beginning to court) 
the importance of their tribe and of its culture. Even 
traditions and myths, when told by people thus inclined, 
lose some of their purity. But Betanzos has also preserved 
to us traditions that originated away from Inca influence. 
He tells us : 

"In ancient time, they say, the country and province of 
Peru was in darkness, having neither light nor day. There 
were, at that time, certain people in it, which people had a 
certain chief who commanded them and to whom they were 
subjected. Of the name of the people and of the chief who 
commanded them they have no recollection. And in those 
times, when all was night in this land, they say that from a 
lagune in this country of Peru, in the province of Collasuyo, 
there came a chief called Con Tici Viracocha who, they say, 
had with him a certain number of people, which number 
they do not recollect. And after he had sallied from this 
lagune, he went from there to a site that is close to this 
lagune, where to-day is a village called Tiaguanaco, in the 
aforesaid province of the Collao. And as he went thither, 
he and his own, forthwith there improvisedly, they say, that 
he made the sun and day, and ordered the sun to move in 
the course it now moves and afterward, they say, he made 
the stars and the moon. Of this Con Tici Viracocha they 




eniq n 

-§ft Iijiu 



' 



Plate LXXVIII 

Objects in gold from the Islands of Titicaea and Koati 

2. Bangles of gold-leaf from the vicinity of the Sacred Rock. 3, 4. Golden pins from 
the level in front of the Sacred Rock. 5, 6. Llamas of gold from above site. 
7. Human figure, of gold (offering) from same place. 8. Animal fig- 
ure of solid gold-leaf from the Island of Koati (see text). 




,,. 




ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 299 

say he had appeared once before, on which occasion he 
made the sky and the earth, leaving everything in obscurity, 
and then he made the people who lived in darkness as afore- 
told, which people did some sort of wrong to this Viracocha, 
and being angered by it, he turned to come out again this 
last time and came forth as on the first occasion, and those 
first people and their chief he converted into stones, in pun- 
ishment for the anger they had caused him." 16 

The substance of the above is that there was, at the time 
of first contact between the Spaniards and the Indians of 
southern Peru and adjacent parts of Bolivia, a tradition to 
the effect that there had been two successive " creations, ' ' 
and both by the same being, represented as a man endowed 
with supernatural faculties. After the first creation, that 
personage came out of Lake Titicaca and went to Tiahua- 
naco, where he dispelled the darkness (in which he had left 
the world after his first creative effort) by making the sun, 
moon, and stars, and regulating their course in the heavens. 
Thus far the tales connected with Titicaca Island. 17 It is 
well to note, that the manuscript of Betanzos has "Titi 
Viracocha,' ' not "Tici" as Espada changed it, in order to 
conform with later spellings. It would have been preferable 
to retain the spelling of the original. 

Contemporary with Betanzos, although not participants 
in the conquest, were two writers, whose role in South 
America was very similar— Pedro de Cieza (of Leon) 18 and 
Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara. Both were soldiers and 
made the campaigns of the civil wars among the Spaniards. 
Gutierrez arrived in Peru at least three years earlier than 
Cieza and remained in the country (probably) longer than 
the latter. But he finished his voluminous work only after 

1603. 19 whereas Cieza completed the First Part of his 
Chronicle in 1550, and the remainder between that year and 

1560. 20 Hence he deserves precedence, in that he wrote 
under more recent, hence more vivid, impressions. But 
Cieza is by no means an infallible guide. He was certainly 



300 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

a close observer and a painstaking recorder, but, as is the 
case with many, he lacked time and knowledge of the Indian 
languages. He freely acknowledges the latter. 21 Hence 
his information on Indian traditions, compared with that 
of Betanzos, is in reality ' ' second-hand. ' ' But it agrees 
quite well with that furnished by the latter, thus corroborat- 
ing in a measure its authenticity. It is also possible that he 
obtained his information through Betanzos, or at least from 
Indian sources the latter consulted, although he mentions 
what may appear to be independent authority. In the First 
Part of his Chronicle he relates a myth to the effect that, 
after many years of darkness, the sun rose from the Island 
of Titicaca in great splendor; thenceforth that Island was 
regarded as sacred, and the Inca reared on it a temple 
dedicated to "their" sun. In another place he says that one 
of the principal chiefs of the Collao went to the ' ' lagune of 
Titicaca, and met on its principal Island white men with 
beards with whom he fought in such a manner as to succeed 
in killing them all." 22 Should this event prove true, then 
Cieza furnishes an approximate date for its occurrence by 
placing it during the term of office of the chief Viracocha, 
hence in the fourteenth century. 23 In the Second Part he is 
more definite and alludes to the source whence he got his 
information: "They also tell what I have written in the First 
Part: that on the Island of Titicaca, in the past centuries, 
were white people, with beards, and that, coming forth from 
the valley of Coquimbo a captain by the name of Cari, he 
reached where now is Chucuito from where, after having 
made some new settlements, he passed over to the Island 
with his people, and made such war upon that people of 
which I speak, that he killed them all. Chirihuana, gov- 
ernor of those pueblos (which pertain to the Emperor) told 
me what I have written. . . ." 24 The name "Chirihuana" 
recalls one of the older societies of dancers still extant 
among the Aymara, and if the traditions should be 
proven as coming from such a source, seventeen years after 




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ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 301 

the arrival of Pizarro and sixteen after his occupation of 
Cuzco, they might be primitive lore of considerable authen- 
ticity and purity. 

The first and second chapter, also the greatest portion 
of the third, of Cieza 's Second Part of the "Chronicle of 
Peru," are unfortunately missing. In Chapter IV he states : 
"Many times have I asked the inhabitants of these prov- 
inces what they knew about what there was in them before 
the Incas ruled over them . . ." 25 Cieza had a compara- 
tively short time for his investigations, and was dependent 
upon interpreters, still what he ascertained in this manner 
concerning Titicaca lore corresponds in the main with what 
is stated by Betanzos. He says : ' ' Before the Incas ruled in 
these kingdoms and were known in them, the Indians tell 
another much more important thing than all the rest, for 
I they affirm that for a long time they were without seeing the 
I sun, and that suffering a great deal on that account, they 
I prayed and made vows to those on whom they looked as 
I their gods, begging them for the light of which they were 
| deprived. And while this was going on the sun rose in 
great splendor from the Island of Titicaca, which is within 
this great lagune of the Collao, so that all were delighted. 
And after this had happened, they say that from the part 
of midday there appeared and came a white man of large 
size who showed great authority and inspired veneration 
by his person and presence ; and that this man, of whom they 
say he had so much power that of heights he made levels 
and of plains great heights, creating springs in live rock. 
And as they recognized in him such power, they called him 
Maker of all Created Things, Beginning Thereof, Father 
of the Sun, for they say that besides these he performed 
other and greater deeds, because he gave to men and ani- 
mals their existence and that finally they derived from him 
great benefits." 26 

This Being the Indians, according to Cieza, call Ticivira- 
cocha, also Tupaca and Arnauan or Aranauan. 27 It is easy 



302 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

to recognize in him the "Con Tici Viracocha" of Betanzos. 
Only the latter makes him come from Titicaca Island, 
-!<rvv^ > yf; whereas Cieza states he came from the South. There might 
be, in the tales gathered by Cieza, a confusion with the first 
appearance of the "Viracocha" mentioned by Betanzos, 
and of which Cieza does not seem to have been informed. 

Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara, as stated, is not as 
original a source as Cieza. The information he conveys is 
■ at variance with that of the preceding authors, but it recalls 
the remark of Pedro Pizarro: "These Indians say that an 
Inga was their first lord. Some say he came from the 
Island of Titicaca. ,,2S 

Gutierrez attributes Creation to two distinct beings, the 
first of which was called ' ' Cons, ' ' the other ' i Pachacama, ' ' 
the second destroying what the first had done to remake it 
after his own pleasure. After these two deities : i ' The first 
Indian lord who began to enter foreign lands was called 
Mango Ynga Zapalla and this Indian initiated the wars. 
He went forth with armed people from a large island called 
Titicaca, which is inmidst of a lagune that is very large and 
quite deep, in the great province of Atun Collao. This 
Mango Ynga Zapalla succeeded in becoming a very re- 
nowned and preferred lord, more than all the small chiefs, 
curacas, that were around of that lagune; on account of 
which he, by advice of the fiend and of the sorcerers, sought 
to occupy their lands in a thousand ways, modes and man- 
ners he could, and to place them under his lordship and com- 
mand. And with this intention he went forth with many 
people from the Island, in many rafts made of canes and 
dry wood. Forthwith, by flatteries and threats he drew unto 
him some curacas and small chiefs, and those who would 
not obey his bidding he made war upon until he put them 
under his dominion and command. "When he found himself 
lord of this great province, and that all the curacas and 
principal Indians served him as their natural lord, he 
founded a settlement which he called Atuncollao which is to 



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ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 303 

say : the great Collao. In this settlement he established his 
seat and royal court in order that the Indians he had con- 
quered might not rebel, and after he had them well subjected 
and pacified, his days came to an end. . . .' ,29 He further 
states that the seventh Inca war-chief, whom he calls Topa 
Ynga Yupangue, conquered the settlement of Cuzco and 
established there the tribe of the Inca. 30 

The list of Inca chiefs furnished by Gutierrez does not 
agree with that of Betanzos in some respects, neither does 
it with the list of Cieza, whereas it fully agrees with that of 
Garcilasso de la Vega. 31 But it does not seem possible that 
the book of the latter could already have been consulted by 
Gutierrez. The agreement in the names and the sequence 
of the war-chiefs points to a common source of information. 
On the other hand traditions about the conquest of the 
Collao from Titicaca Island, in the tenth century, about, 
recall the statements of Oviedo and Pedro Pizarro, in a 
general way. In other respects (for instance, in regard to 
the creation by Cons and re-creation by Pachacamac) there 
is an analogy between Betanzos and Gutierrez. Close 
agreement in Indian tradition gathered by distinct sources 
can never be expected, but the conquest of Cuzco by Indians 
of Aymara stock, part of whom originally came from Titi- 
caca Island, is not mentioned by the two elder Spanish 
chroniclers, Betanzos and Cieza. 

Agustin de Zarate, royal treasurer in Peru, whither he 
came in 1543, 32 earlier than both Cieza and Gutierrez, states 
in his History of the Discovery and Conquest of Peru, 
the first edition of which appeared at Antwerp in 1555: 
" These lords kept their Indians at peace and were their 
captains in the wars they had with their neighbors, and 
there was no general lord of the whole land, until from the 
region of the Collao, from a great lagoon there is (in it), 
called Titicaca, which has eighty leagues in circumference, 
there came a very warlike people which they called ingas. 
These wore the hair short and had the ears perforated, with 



304 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

pieces of gold in the holes which enlarge the apertures. 
These called themselves [are called] ringrim, signifying 
ear. And the principal among them they called Zapalla 
inga, (the) only chief, although some mean to say that he 
was called inga Viracocha, which is ' froth or grease of the 
sea, ' since, not knowing where the land lay whence he came, 
(they) believed him to have been formed out of that lagune. 
. . . These ingas began to settle the city of Cuzco, etc." 33 

Substantially, this is what Gutierrez has stated, and it 
may have been recorded about the same time. 

Three years prior to the appearance of the book of Zarate, 
the first issue of the Chronicle of Francisco Lopez de Go- 
mara was published, but as the author never was in America 
and obtained his information at second hand, I place him 
after the former. Treating of the Inca Gomara states: 
' i Their origin was from Tiquicaca, which is a lagune in the 
Collao, forty leagues from Cuzco, the name of which signi- 
fies Island of Lead. ... It is eighty leagues in circum- 
ference. The principal Inca who took away from Tiquicaca 
the first ones and led them, was called Zapalla, signifying 
only chief. Some aged Indians also say that he was called 
Viracocha, which is to say ' grease of the sea/ and that he 
brought his people by sea. They finally affirm that Zapalla 
peopled and settled Cuzco, whence the Incas began to make 
war upon the surroundings." 34 

The similarity of the above and the text of Zarate is 
striking, yet it is hardly possible that one copied the other, 
unless Gomara obtained access to the manuscript of Zarate. 
The latter had good opportunities of securing knowledge 
about Indian folk-lore at what we may consider first-hand ; 
hence, if there has been any plagiarism, it is more likely to 
have been committed by Gomara, after the return of Zarate 
to Spain. The author of the Chronicle, and chaplain of 
Hernando Cortes, however, lived in official disgrace and 
obscurity at the time, and his book was not well received at 
Court, whereas Zarate, who had no intention of publishing 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 305 

his work himself, but intended it for posthumous issue, was 
compelled to have it printed by pressure from Court. 

There is still another and similar version, from the same 
period, apparently: 

An anonymous document, already mentioned by Prescott, 
but hardly noticed since, entitled Conquista y Poblacion del 
Peru, states the following: " After this was done, these 
large-eared people ( Ore j ones) say that the manner in which 
they got a chief among themselves was, that (from) a lagune 
which is thirty leagues from Cuzco, in the land of Collao, 
and (which) is called Titicacaca, the principal of them, who 
called himself Viracocha, came forth, who was very shrewd 
and wise and said he was a child of the sun. And of this one 
they say that he gave them polity in dress and in building 
houses of stone, and he it was that built the Cuzco and made 
stone-houses and the fortress and house of the sun. . . ." 
This document is not complete, hence no certainty exists as 
yet regarding its date, although there are indications that it 
was written during the period of early colonization in 
Peru. 35 

Leaving aside the short notice which Oviedo has preserved 
to us, and in which Titicaca is not mentioned, we have thus 
far, in the first half of the sixteenth century what appear to 
be two distinct versions of traditions concerning the remote 
past of that Island. Betanzos and Cieza are silent on the 
subject of a " conquest' ' of Cuzco by people originally issued 
from Titicaca. Still even they hint at something akin to it. 
Betanzos states : " And from there (speaking of the journey 
of Viracocha from the country around the Lake northward) 
the Viracocha departed and came on, making people as you 
have heard, until he came to Cuzco where, upon arriving, 
they say, he made a chief, to whom he gave the name of 
Alcauiza, and also named the place of that chief (he) made, 
Cuzco, and, leaving directions how, after he would be gone, 
the ' large ears' should come forth, he went on performing 
his task." He goes on to relate how, while Alcauiza was 



306 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

chief of the little hamlet of thirty houses that then con- 
stituted the settlement, four men came out of a cave at 
Pacaritambo, among them Ayar Mango who afterward be- 
came Manco Capac and the first Cuzco chieftain of the 
Inca. 36 

Cieza also mentions the preponderance of the tribe at 
Hatun Colla of which Gutierrez treats, but without con- 
necting its origin with the people of the Island, and he 
describes the "creation" of the Inca as independent from 
Viracocha or from any conquest by Colla Indians. I have 
alluded to the character of his information and manner in 
which he obtained it. 

In the second half of the sixteenth century the number of 
writers that gathered Indian lore is considerably greater 
than in the first, but they obtained it at a period more 
remote from first contact, and when Indian society was 
already disturbed and the teachings of the church had 
penetrated the mind of the natives, creating lasting im- 
pressions. 

Grarcilasso de la Vega, who lays particular stress on his 
Inca descent from the Mother's side( !) while pretending that 
succession was in the Male line, was born at Cuzco in 1540, 
and remained in his mother 's care until 1560, when he went 
to Spain for the remainder of his life. 37 He spoke Quichua 
perfectly, being in constant contact with his Indian rela- 
tives. He also kept up connections with Inca descendants 
at Cuzco by correspondence, in his later years. 38 At least 
part of the object he had in writing his Comentarios was, to 
assist in the presentation of certain claims which his Indian 
relatives had or believed they had on the Spanish govern- 
ment. 39 In order to press these claims more effectively, 
Garcilasso de la Vega wrote a History of the Inca, with a 
description of their general degree of culture, society, and 
creed, very palatable to the notions of the times, especially 
in that it supplies primitive Peru with a monarchical and 
theocratic organization which Europe could understand, 



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ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 307 

and by means of which ancient birthrights and claims to 
succession based upon supposed heredity could be not 
merely insinuated, but introduced. His statements on the 
religion of the Inca are colored by the desire to eliminate 
from their creed and customs as much as possible facts 
clashing too harshly with Christian principles. Garcilasso 
is (and for interested motives) constantly endeavoring to 
push primitive Peruvian culture as near as possible to the 
European of his time. Much of his detailed information is 
of the highest value, but he has woven it into a picture 
(by using terminology of the so-called Old World and its 
social condition) that is misleading. While this may not 
be absolutely germane to the subject, it is necessary for a 
due appreciation of Garcilasso 's writings, which contain 
considerable material for ancient folk-lore, of the Quichua 
as well as of the Aymara Indians. 

Garcilasso conveys the following information concerning 
the manner in which he secured the traditions, which he 
gives as authentic : 

"It struck me that the best plan and way was to relate 
what, in my childhood, I heard many times from my mother, 
and from her sisters and uncles, and from other and elder 
people, about their origin and beginning. . . . My mother 
residing at Cuzco, her home, there came to visit her nearly 
every week the few relatives, male and female, who had sur- 
vived the cruelty of Atauhuallpa. During these visits their 
usual conversation was about the origin of their kings, of 
their supremacy, of the greatness of their empire, of their 
conquests and great deeds in governing, in war as well as 
in the laws they made, so beneficial to their vassals. 

"During these discourses I, who was a boy, often ran in 
and out, amusing myself with parts of the story as children 
do with the tales of nurses. In this manner days and years 
went by, until I had come to the age of sixteen or seventeen. 
Being one day present with my kindred, who were discours- 
ing of their kings and ancestors, it came to my mind to ask 



308 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

the most elderly person amongst them, and so I interrupted 
his speech in this manner: 'Inca,' said I, 'and my uncle, 
how is it possible, since you have no writings, that you have 
been able to preserve the memory of things past, and of the 
origin of our kings V ,M0 The aged Indian whom he thus 
addressed and who afterward became his chief informant, 
made the following statement in regard to the origin of the 
Inca: 

"You must know, therefore, that in ages past all this 
region and country you see around us was nothing but 
mountains and wild forests, and the people in those times 
were like so many beasts, without religion or government; 
they neither sowed, nor ploughed, nor clothed themselves, 
etc., etc. Our Father the Sun, beholding men such as before 
related, took compassion on them, and sent a son and a 
daughter of his own from heaven to earth to instruct our 
people in the knowledge of Our Father the Sun, that they 
might worship and adore him and esteem him for their God, 
giving them laws and precepts whereunto they might con- 
form their lives, like men of reason and civility. . . . With 
these commands and instructions, Our Father the Sun 
placed his two children in Lake Titicaca, which is about 
eighty leagues hence, giving them liberty to go and travel 
wherever they pleased ; and in whatsoever place they stayed 
to eat or sleep, they should strike into the ground a little 
wedge of gold which he had given them, being about half a 
yard long and two fingers thick, and where with one stroke 
this wedge would sink into the earth, there should be the 
place of their habitation and the court unto which all people 
should resort. . . . Thus Our Father the Sun, having de- 
clared his pleasure to these his two children, he dispatched 
them from him, and, taking their journey from Titicaca 
northward, at every place where they came to repose they 
tried to strike their wedge into the ground, but it took no 
place, nor would it enter. At length they came to a poor inn, 
or place wherein to rest, about seven or eight leagues south- 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 309 

ward from this city, which to this day is called Pacarec 
Tampu, which is as much as to say, ' The Shining or Illumi- 
nated Dormitory. ' This is one of those colonies which the 
Prince planted, the inhabitants whereof boast of this name 
and title which our Inca bestowed upon it; whence he and 
his queen descended to the valley of Cozco, which was then 
only a wild and barren mountain. ' ' ' ' This was the relation 
made to me by this Inca, brother of my mother, concerning 
the origin of the kings of this country. I afterward tried to 
translate it faithfully from my mother-tongue, which is the 
Inca, into Spanish." 41 

Garcilasso then proceeds to tell other traditions, from 
other parts of Peru : 

" Having to report the most current opinions touching 
the origin of the Inca kings, I will say that most of the 
people of Peru, that is, the Indians from south of Cozco, 
what they call Collasuyu, and those in the west, called 
Cuntisuyu, tell about it a very pleasing fable. In order to 
make it more authoritative through time (antiquity), they 
say it happened after the deluge, of which they know noth- 
ing beyond that it really took place. . . . Thus they say 
that after the waters of the deluge had subsided, a certain 
man appeared in the country of Tiahuanacu, which is to the 
south of Cozco. This man was so powerful that he divided 
the world into four parts, and gave them to four men whom 
he honored each with the title of king, the first of which was 
called Manco Capac, the second Colla, the third Tocay, and 
the fourth Pinahua. To this they add that he gave the 
northern part to Manco Capac, that of the south to Colla 
(after whom that great province has ever since been 
called), to Tocay that in the east, and to Pinahua that of 
the west. They further assert that, after having thus 
favored them, he sent each one to the land pertaining to 
him, to conquer and govern all the people there found. 

"The Indians who live east and north of the town of 
Cozco report another origin of the Incas, similar to the 



310 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

preceding. For they say that in the beginning of the world 
four men and four women, who were brothers and sisters, 
came out of the windows in certain rocks that are near the 
city, in a place called Paucartampu. . . . The first of these 
brothers is called by them Manco Capac, and his wife Mama 
Ocllo. They believe that this one was the founder of this 
town. ' ' 

All the tales except the first one (told him by his rela- 
tives) Garcilasso regards as silly fables, while acknowledg- 
ing that they are authentically Indian and primitive. 

It is easy to recognize in the tales recorded by Garcilasso 
the substance of those contained in the sources preceding 
him. But it is manifest that, since Garcilasso was told of 
them while he was yet a youth, his aged Indian relative 
adapted them to the age of his listener. An Indian of ex- 
perience, and really versed in ancient lore, will never dis- 
close such matters in their real aspect to younger men, 
except after their discretion has stood an exceptionally 
severe test. To such a test Garcilasso does not seem to 
have been subjected, hence the stories which he repeats have 
not the merit of the results of serious investigation like 
those of Betanzos and even of Cieza. 

Garcilasso acknowledges also other sources of informa- 
tion. The writings of Father Bias Valera, partly destroyed 
at the sacking of Cadiz by the English in 1596, are quoted by 
him repeatedly. Valera was a native of Chachapoyas in 
northeastern Peru and received in the Jesuit order at Lima 
in 1568, whence he went to Cuzco three years later, so that, 
the date of his birth being 1551, he must have begun, like 
Garcilasso, his investigations about the Indians at quite an 
early age. 42 This, the fewer opportunities he may have 
had for cultivating intimacy with the aborigines, and his 
early death in Spain, lessens the value of Father Valera 's 
data. Nevertheless it should not be overlooked that he ar- 
rived at Cuzco at a time when special investigations were 
being carried on there on the subject of Indian historical 






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ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 311 

lore, both by order of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo 
and, separately, by instructions of the Bishop of Cuzco, 
then Sebastian de Artaun or Lartaun. 43 

Through the former, no information relative to Titicaca 
Island was revealed as far as known. Neither is there any 
mention of the Island in the investigation reported upon by 
the Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo in the same year of 1571. 
The latter merely alludes, in terms very brief, to some 
stories according to which Cuzco had been originally settled 
from other parts, but he adds: "This is of small impor- 
tance, because they say it happened before the Deluge, and 
they connect it with certain fables that, being very old, it 
is not necessary to dwell upon." 44 I would add, that the 
"Deluge" appears first almost simultaneously in the writ- 
ings of Cristoval de Molina, of which I am now to treat. 45 

The result of the clerical investigation was reported upon 
by a secular priest, Father Cristoval de Molina, who resided 
at Cuzco between the years 1570 and 1584 as priest of the 
hospital founded in 1557 for the exclusive benefit of Indians 
and afterward converted into a municipal infirmary. 46 
Father Molina, in his treatise entitled Relation de las fabu- 
las y ritos de los Yngas, of which only the translation by 
Sir Clement R. Markham is at my command, treats at 
length of ancient lore of the Cuzco tribe and adjacent clus- 
ters. He states: 

"And first with regard to their idolatries, it is so that 
those people had no knowledge of writing. But in a house 
of the Sun called Poquen-Cancha, which is near Cuzco, they 
had the life of each one of the Yncas, with the land they 
conquered, painted with figures on certain boards, and also 
their origin. Among these paintings the following fable 
was represented : In the life of Manco Ccapac, who was the 
first Inca, and from whom they began to be called Children 
of the Sun and to worship the Sun, they had a full account 
of the Deluge. They say that all people and all created things 
perished in it, in as far as the water rose above all the high- 



312 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

est mountains in the world. No living things survived except 
a man and a woman, who remained in a box, and when the 
waters subsided, the wind carried them to Huanaco, which 
will be over seventy leagues from Cuzco, a little more or 
less. The Creator of all things commanded them to remain 
there as Mitimas, and there in Tiahuanaco the Creator 
began to raise up the people and nations that are in that 
region, etc. . . . They say that the Creator was in Tiahua- 
naco and that there was his chief abode. . . . They say that 
it was dark, and that there he made the sun, the moon, and 
stars, and that he ordered the sun, moon, and stars to go to 
the Island of Titicaca, which is near at hand, and thence to 
rise to heaven. They also declare that when the sun in the 
form of a man was ascending to heaven, very brilliant, it 
called to the Incas and to Manco Capac as their chief, and 
said : ' Thou and thy descendants are to be Lords and are to 
subject many nations. Look upon me as thy father and 
thou shalt be my children and thou shalt worship me as thy 
father. ' And with these words it gave to Manco Ccapac for 
his insignia and arms the Suntur Paucar and the Champi 
and the other insignia that are used by the Incas, like 
sceptres. And at that point the sun and moon and stars 
were commanded to ascend to heaven and to fix themselves 
in their place, and they did so. At the same instant Manco 
Ccapac and his brothers and sisters, by command of the 
Creator, descended under the earth and came out again at 
the cave of Paccari-Tambo, though they say that other na- 
tions also came out of the same cave, at the point where the 
sun rose on the first day, after the Creator had divided the 
night from the day. Thus it was that they were called Chil- 
dren of the Sun, and that the Sun was worshiped and 
revered as a father." 47 

In the first place, it is interesting to note that Molina 
refers to "figures on certain boards" as his principal source 
for the above tales. These boards he says were kept at a 
shrine called "Poquen-Cancha," near Cuzco. The proper 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 313 

name for this shrine, which was one of the eighty 1 1 Guacas ' ' 
or "Huacas," that, according to Father Bernabe Cobo, S.J. 
(1653), existed near Cuzco, is given by him as "Puquin 
cancha." This is, very probably, a misprint (or misread- 
ing) for Puquiu Cancha, signifying "enclosure of the 
spring.' ' Cobo says of it that it was a house of the Sun on 
the summit of " Cayocache, ' ' where they sacrificed chil- 
dren. 48 

Pedro de Sarmiento Gamboa, to whom the Viceroy Toledo 
committed the task of condensing the multifarious material 
gathered about that time into a " History' ' of the so-called 
' ' Inca Empire, ' ' spreads out the tale of the painted boards 
in the following manner: "There connects with this the 
great investigation which Pachacuti Inga Yupangui, ninth 
Inga, who issued a general call to all the old historians of 
all the provinces he subjected, and even of many others 
more from all those kingdoms, and he kept them in the city 
of Cuzco for a long time, examining them concerning the 
antiquities, origin and notable facts of their ancestors of 
those kingdoms. And after he had well ascertained the 
most notable of their ancient histories he had it all painted 
after its order on large boards, and he placed them in a big 
hall in the house of the sun, where the said boards, which 
were garnished with gold, would be like our libraries, and 
he appointed learned men who could understand and ex- 
plain them. And nobody could enter where those boards 
were, except the Inga, or the historians, without express 
license from the Inga." 49 

At the same time and in consequence of the investigation 
instituted by the viceroy Toledo, four "cloths" were pro- 
duced, on which were painted "the figures of the Ingas as 
well as the medals of their women and Ayllos, and the 
history, on the edges, of what happened at the time of each 
one of the Ingas, and the fable and noteworthy things that 
go on the first cloth which they call of Tambotoco, and the 
fables of the creations of Viracocha that go on the edge of 



314 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

the first cloth as foundation and beginning of the history; 
each thing by itself distinct, as it is written and rubricated 
by me the secretary present, ' 9 etc. These four cloths were 
shown to a large number of Indian witnesses that had been 
interrogated at the time. The paintings had been made for 
the purpose of accompanying and illustrating the (lately 
published) work of Pedro de Sarmiento Gamboa, which was 
then read, in part, to the Indians by an interpreter, and the 
four pieces of cloth served to illustrate the talk. The In- 
dians, in their usual way, approved everything contained on 
the cloth and in the talk, which means very little, as the 
Indian approves (cum reservatione mentali) more or less 
everything that is shown and read to him, and declares it to 
be true. Whether these four pieces of painted cloth stood 
in any relation to the four panels of Molina is not possible 
to assert or deny, as yet. The former were sent to King 
Philip II of Spain. 50 

The principal source, however, for the statements of 
Molina, seems to have been, according to Cobo, "another 
general gathering of the old Indians who had yet seen the 
times of the chief Guayna Capac, which gathering was made 
in the very city of Cuzco by Cristobal de Molina, curate of 
the parish of Our Lady of Eemedios of the hospital of the 
natives ; by. command of the Bishop D. Sebastian de Lar- 
taum." 51 Cobo claims that the results of that investigation 
agree with those of Polo de Ondegardo and the Viceroy 
Toledo, which he states to have had and consulted. What I 
have been able to see of them does not, as stated before, 
contain any direct allusions to Titicaca, but there are others 
which I do not know. 52 Gatherings of Indians with the 
view of ascertaining ancient lore are not always successful. 
The Indian dislikes to communicate on such subjects in 
the presence of witnesses from his own race. 

The deep and rapid impression made by biblical tales on 
the mind of the Indians, through teachings of the Catholic 
Church, is perceivable in some of the traditions reported 



9 

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.o 

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ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 315 

by Molina, as, for instance, in the story of the Deluge, which 
earlier chroniclers do not mention, but would surely have 
alluded to, had they heard of it. Otherwise the tales re- 
corded by Molina agree in substance with those preserved 
by his predecessors in that the heavenly bodies are repre- 
sented as having been created on or about the Island of Titi- 
caca, and the Inca to have gone from that Island to Cuzco. 
As stated before, no close agreement between the texts of 
traditions obtained by distinct parties, or at distinct 
localities, can be expected, hence divergence in details does 
not impair the value of substantial resemblance. 

Gamboa's work is, from its nature and origin, a second- 
hand compendium. It is, furthermore, not an impartial 
document. Its tendency is clearly shown in the beginning, 
where he declares his object to be "to disabuse all those in 
the world who think that the said Ingas were legitimate 
kings and the curacas natural lords of this land." This 
tendency pervades the whole book and makes of it a sus- 
picious source, considerably diminishing its value. In 
everything touching upon primitive tradition Sarmiento 
only follows his predecessors, partially divesting the origi- 
nal tales of their purely Indian character, and adding 
nothing that had not already been stated before. About the 
Island of Titicaca he says: "After the deluge had passed, 
and when the land was drying, the Viracocha determined to 
people it a second time, and, in order to achieve it with 
greater perfection, he determined upon creating luminaries 
that might shed more light. And in order to do this, he 
went with his servants to a great lagune that lies in the 
Collao, and in which lagune there is an island called Titi- 
caca, ... To which island Viracocha repaired forthwith 
and commanded that the sun, moon, and stars should at 
once come forth and rise into the sky to illuminate the 
world; and thus it was done. And it is said that he made 
the moon brighter than the sun, and that therefore the sun, 
jealous at the time they were to rise into heaven, threw a 



316 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

handful of ashes into the face (of the moon), from which 
time on it remained of the paler color in which it now ap- 
pears." 53 

Miguel Cabello Balboa came to Peru in 1566, and com- 
pleted his Misceldnea austral at Lima twenty years later. 
He places the origin of the Inca at Pacari Tampu, identify- 
ing the site with Tambo Tocco, and then adds : ' ' Many In- 
dians pretend that the brothers who appeared at Pacari 
Tambo . . . were natives of Titicaca, and that in that place 
were manufactured the garments in which they showed 
themselves for the first time. ' ' According to him, the little 
band (headed by Manco Capac) traveled at night and hid 
in the daytime, presenting themselves suddenly, arrayed in 
gorgeous vestments, a short distance from Cuzco. 54 

The Jesuit Joseph de Acosta resided in Peru from 1569 to 
1585. 55 His book, less prolix than usual for the time, is of 
great value. He mentions the investigations instituted by 
Toledo and by order of the King of Spain, 56 and it is there- 
fore possible that what he attributes to Indian sources may 
have been derived from depositions then obtained. But he 
discriminates between traditions in general, current among 
Indians of Peru (and Bolivia) and specific Inca lore. Of 
the former he states : 

1 ' However it may be, the Indians say that with this their 
deluge people were all drowned, and they relate that from 
the great lagune of Titicaca there came out one Viracocha, 
who made his abode at Tiaguanaco, where to-day are seen 
ruins and parts of ancient and very strange edifices, and 
that from there they came to Cuzco, and so the human fam- 
ily began to multiply. They point out in that lagune an 
islet where they fable that the sun concealed and maintained 
itself, and for this reason they anciently made to it, there, 
many sacrifices, not only of sheep, but of men. Others say 
that out of a certain cave, through the window, there came 
six or I do not know how many men, and that these made the 
beginning of the propagation of mankind, and this was at 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 317 

what (the place which), for that reason, they call Pacari 
Tambo. So they are of opinion that the Tambos are the 
oldest lineage of mankind. From there, they say, proceeded 
Mangocapa, whom they recognize as the founder and head 
of the Ingas. . . ." 57 Elsewhere Acosta states: "The first 
man the Indians mention as the beginning of the Ineas was 
Mangocapa, and of him they fable that, after the Deluge, he 
came out of a cave or window of Tambo, which is five or six 
leagues from Cuzco." 58 

Acosta expresses himself nearly in the same terms as 
Pedro Pizarro regarding the two versions, one locating the 
origin of the Inca on Titicaca Island, the other near Cuzco. 
In reality they do not conflict ; only it seems that the latter 
was a tradition confined to the Inca tribe, which became 
separated from the former after the investigation, in 1542, 
by Vaca de Castro. Acosta, in the passage first quoted, has 
given but an abstract of what his predecessors recorded 
concerning Titicaca traditions. 

The chronicler Antonio de Herrera follows Cieza in his 
mention of Peruvian traditions; 59 the Dominican Gregorio 
Garcia 60 copied Betanzos, and Fray Hieronymo Koman 
both. 61 

Passing over a number of works of the beginning of 
the seventeenth century that, while of ethnologic value for 
ancient Peru, contain nothing germane to the subject, the 
author next to be taken up, in point of date as far as 
can be ascertained, 62 would be the Indian Juan de Santa 
Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua. He claims to be 
"native of the pueblos of Sanctiago of Hananguaygua and 
Huringuaiguacanchi of Orcasuyo, between Canas and Can- 
chis of Collasuyo [follows part of his genealogy], all princi- 
pal Caciques that were in the said province and professed 
Christians in the matters of our holy Catholic faith. . . . 
I say that we have heard, being a child, very ancient notices 
and the histories, barbarisms and fables from the time of 
the gentilisms, which is as follows, as among the natives of 



318 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

the things of times past they always are accustomed to 
talk." 63 Salcamayhua writes as an Indian from the moun- 
tainous regions of Peru, speaks Spanish— i.e., literally 
translating from his native tongue. Hence a literal render- 
ing, however uncouth, is almost indispensable. 

Salcamayhua makes such ostentatious professions of 
Christianity that some of his statements appear suspicious. 
That perspicacious and sober scholar, Don Marcos Jimenez 
de la Espada, called attention to it. 64 He tells us that the 
peopling of what now is called Bolivia took place from the 
southeast, from " above Potosi." 65 After the country had 
been settled, there came to the Collao (Aymara region) a 
bearded man whom he calls "Tonapa," also "Viracoha 
Pachayachachican, ' ' performing miracles, and whom Salca- 
mayhua therefore identifies with Saint Thomas the Apostle. 
He describes the wanderings of that personage and his 
tribulations among the barbarous natives around Lake Titi- 
caca, 66 and concludes by stating that "they say that the 
said Tonapa, after having liberated himself from the hands 
of those barbarians, remained some time on a rock called 
Titicaca," 67 and that afterward he passed through Tiquina 
toward Chacamarca, and on his way came to a village called 
Tiahuanaco, where the people ridiculed his teachings. In 
punishment he changed them into stones. From Chaca- 
marca he followed the Desaguadero to the south, finally 
reaching the ocean, where he disappeared. 68 While in the 
Collao, Tonapa met a chief called Apotampo, who was the 
only one who lent an ear to his teachings, in consideration 
of which Tonapa gave him ' ' a piece of wood from his walk- 
ing-stick." 69 This Apotampo was father to Manco Capac, 
to whom Salcamayhua attributes the foundation of Cuzco, 
which place was then already occupied by Indians, so that 
by "foundation" the establishment of a formal village must 
be understood. 70 In regard to the teachings of Tonapa, the 
author states : ' ' The modern old men from the time of my 
father, don Diego Felipe, are wont to state that it was 



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ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 319 

almost the commandments of God, especially the seven 
precepts, only the name of God our Lord was lacking and 
that of our Lord Jesus Christ, as it is public and notorious 
among the old men, and the penalties were severe for those 
who broke them. ' ' 71 

The analogy of these tales with those reported by Betan- 
zos and Cieza is unmistakable, as far as their substance is 
concerned. Details of course vary, and, furthermore, the 
effect of three quarters of a century of contact with the 
Spaniards and the clergy is plainly visible. The story of 
the walking-stick, of which Tonapa gave a piece to Apo- 
tampo, recalls the magic wand mentioned by Garcilasso de 
la Vega. 

Contemporary with Salcamayhua (although he is not 
known to have exerted any influence on their sources of in- 
formation) are what might be termed a " school of writers' ' 
of the first half of the seventeenth century. There are 
even two " schools,' ' one of Jesuits, the other of Augustines. 
All of them resided for some time in northern Bolivia with 
the Indians, as missionaries and teachers ; their information 
is, therefore, in a certain way, first-hand. 

In the beginning of the seventeenth century the search 
for survivals of primitive ceremonials among the Peruvian 
Indians became not only more active, but more systemat- 
ized. The Jesuit Joseph Pablo Arriaga was one of the prin- 
cipal organizers of that investigation. His own work, the 
Extirpation of Idolatry in Peru, 72 appeared in print in 
1621, and, while of the highest value for ethnologic know- 
ledge in general, it contains no allusion to folk-lore con- 
nected with the Island of Titicaca. What little is known 
about the two books written by his co-worker, Father Luis 
Terhuel, affords no material either for our present investi- 
gation. 73 The silence of Arriaga on the traditions of the 
Titicaca basin need cause no surprise. Arriaga was, offi- 
cially, the spirit that moved the search for Indian rites and 
beliefs, in a methodical way, and his book is a manual of 



320 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

that search rather than a treatise on ceremonials. Hence 
it contains many valuable descriptions of customs that 
were still in vigor, but as examples only. For the great 
mass of details he refers to special reports of local " visit- 
ors," some of which, if not all, still exist in manuscript. 
Thus it is likely that in the reports of the visitors Alonso 
Garcia Cuadrado on the Lake-shore near Copacavana, and 
of Bartolome de Duenas on Tiahuanaco, folk-lore on the 
Islands will be found; 74 also, possibly, in the letters of 
Father Hernando de Avendano. 75 Every visitor was, ac- 
cording to instructions framed by Arriaga, to keep a written 
account of the proceedings of his inquiry. 76 

Leaving aside other works of the beginning of the 
seventeenth century that are but imperfectly known, 77 I 
turn to a contemporary of Arriaga and Salcamayhua, the 
Jesuit Bernabe Cobo. Born at Lopera in Spain, 1582, he 
came to Peru at the age of seventeen years, and was re- 
ceived a novice in the " Company of Jesus' ' in 1601, and 
ordained priest in 1612. From 1615 to 1618 he was on the 
Lake-shore at Juli and as far as Copacavana, then as a 
missionary farther south in Bolivia. He had good oppor- 
tunities to become acquainted with the country and its 
people, as his voluminous book on the "New World" 
abundantly proves. 78 He gathered the traditions then cur- 
rent about the Islands and Copacavana, and in their dis- 
cussion displays much critical spirit. But he investigated 
and studied at a time remote from the period of first con- 
tact and does not always state the sources of his informa- 
tion. These, even in case they were Indians, were no longer 
untampered with, after eighty years of growing contact 
with whites and of church influence. Hence the following 
quotations from the book of Cobo are to be taken with the 
reserve which the above remarks imply. 

' ' In many ways do the Peruvian Indians relate the origin 
and beginning of the Incas their kings, interweaving so 
much confusion and diversity of incongruities that from 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 321 

their statement it is not possible to gather anything cer- 
tain." 79 

Then, "leaving aside for the present and its proper place 
what they held about the Deluge and peopling of the 
earth," he proceeds to give some of the " fables and fictions, 
most received by nearly all, about whence proceeded the 
Inca kings." 

' ' The first is as follows : That from the lagune of Titicaca 
there came to Pacarictambo, a place distant from Cuzco 
seven leagues, certain Indians called Incas, men of prudence 
and valor, clad in a very different dress from that worn 
by those of the district of Cuzco, with their ears perforated 
and pieces of gold in the orifices ; and that the principal of 
them, called Manco-Capac," etc., etc. He goes on to give an 
account of the manner in which Manco Capac made himself 
master of Cuzco. 80 

Another account says that four brothers and four sisters 
came out of the cave of Pacarictampu, adding: "About 
their origin they do not agree, some imagining they pro- 
ceeded (originated) out of themselves, and others, that 
from the lagune of Titicaca, where they escaped the Deluge, 
the Maker of the world led them through the caverns of 
the earth until they came out through that cave of Pacaric- 
tampu," etc. 81 

Still another : " That when the Creator of the world (whom 
in their language they call by two names, to wit : Ticcivira- 
coha and Pachayachachic) shaped all things at Tiaguanaco, 
where they imagine he resided, he commanded the sun, 
moon and stars to go to the Island of Titicaca which is in 
the lagune of that name, and that from there they should 
rise into heaven, and that at the time the sun was leaving 
in the figure (form) of a resplendent man he called the 
Incas, and to Manco Capac, as the eldest brother, he spoke 
as follows: 'Thou and thy descendants have to subject 
many lands and be great lords ; always hold me to be your 
father, priding yourself on being my children and never 



322 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

forgetting to venerate me as such , ; and that, after he had 
said this, he gave to him (Manco Capac) the insignia of 
king . . . and that forthwith (after the orbs had taken 
their respective places in the heavens), by command of the 
Maker, the Inca brothers sank into the earth and went to 
come out at the said cave of Pacarictampu." 82 

Finally another tale: 83 "This same fiction others relate 
in this manner : They say that the Sun, pitying the miser- 
able condition in which was the world, sent to it a son and 
a daughter of his, to instruct and teach men the knowledge 
of the Sun, persuading them to worship him as a god and 
yield him the adoration that was due to him as such, . . . 
and that they were placed by the Sun in the said lagune of 
Titicaca, commanding them to take the road and direction 
they pleased, provided that, wherever they would stay to 
eat and take rest, they would sink into the soil a rod of gold 
he gave them, one ell in length. . . ." Then follows an al- 
most textual copy of the story told by Garcilasso de la 
Vega, although the source is not alluded to. 84 

He mentions a version which, he says, is similar to the 
preceding, with the difference that the Inca were born on 
the Island from a woman called Titicaca. 85 

In a chapter devoted to a description of the Islands of 
Titicaca and Koati (it is not clear whether he visited the 
former, and certain that he was not on Koati) he relates 
traditions that are partial repetitions of the preceding, but 
deserve to be quoted : 

"The adoratory (shrine) of the sun that was on the 
Island of Titicaca was a large and solid rock, the venera- 
tion for which and motive why they dedicated it to the sun 
has for beginning and foundation a very ridiculous novel, 
which is that the ancients affirm that, having been without 
light from heaven many days in that province, and all its 
inhabitants being surprised, confused and frightened by 
such long and obscure darkness, those who dwelt on the 
aforesaid island of Titicaca saw one morning the sun come 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 323 

out from that rock with extraordinary splendor, from which 
they believed this rock to be the house and true dwelling 
of the sun or the thing of all that was most acceptable to 
it. . . . 86 

"Others refer the fable differently, and say that the 
reason for having dedicated to the sun this rock was be- 
cause beneath it the sun was kept and guarded during all 
the time the waters of the Deluge lasted, after which it 
came forth from there and began to enlighten the world 
from that place, that rock being the first object that enjoyed 
its light." 87 

The Jesuit Anello Oliva was a Neapolitan by birth. He 
came to Lima two years before Cobo and entered the order 
of Jesuits at that city. Like Cobo, he spent some time at 
Juli on Lake Titicaca. He concluded his History of Peru 
and of the Company of Jesus in that country in the year 
1631, twenty-two years earlier than Cobo finished his more 
voluminous "History of the New World." 88 But the 
sources which Oliva acknowledges, as having based upon 
them his tales of ancient lore, are not as satisfactory as 
those of Cobo. 

Oliva acknowledges having consulted chiefly : 

1. Garcilasso de la Vega, laying particular stress on what 
the latter claims to have taken from the writings of Father 
Bias Valera. 89 

2. Manuscripts of a certain doctor in theology of the 
Cathedral of Charcas (Sucre in Bolivia), called Bartolome 
Cervantes. 90 

3. The sayings of an Indian by the name of Catari, from 
Cochabamba (in the Quichua- speaking districts of Bolivia), 
who claimed to have been Quipucamayoc and chronicler of 
the Incas. 91 

Of the writings of Father Valera we have already 
spoken, and Oliva rather discards the version given by 



324 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

Garcilasso, of the origin of the Inca, for the reason that it 
implies a supernatural origin for Manco Capac and his 
female companion. 92 

I have not yet been able to find any data of importance 
concerning Doctor Cervantes. His principal reliance 
seems to have been on what was given him as traditions pre- 
served by the keepers of quippus or knotted strings. Of 
the value of these strings for historical documentation, 
Garcilasso himself confesses the following: 

"In a word, in these knots were expressed all things that 
could be computed by numbers, as far as to note the num- 
ber of battles and encounters, of the embassies on the part 
of the Inca and the declaration the king had given. But by 
these knots it was not possible to express the contents of 
the message, the express words of declarations, and such 
other historic events, for these things consisted of terms 
uttered in speech or in writing, and the knot marked indeed 
the number but not the word. To remedy this defect they 
had also certain signs by which they recognized memorable 
actions, embassies, and declarations made in times of peace 
or war : the Quipucamayos learned their substance by heart 
and taught them one to another by tradition. . . ," 93 

Oliva cannot have obtained his information from Catari 
earlier than the first decade of the seventeenth century, or 
three quarters of a century after the conquest, when folk- 
lore had been exposed to steady and slowly modifying con- 
tact. Furthermore, if the name of his informant is any 
indication at all, it is an Ay mar a, not a Quichua, name. 
The primitiveness of stories told in southern central Boli- 
via, long after the Indians had been under Spanish rule 
and under the teachings of the church, and at a time when 
their ancient ceremonials were being subjected to a close 
and unsympathetic scrutiny, may appear questionable. 
Their reliability becomes more doubtful yet through the 
wide geographical range they embrace, about which the 
Indians of ancient Peru could have no information, and 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 325 

through the positive manner in which details are given. 
Oliva tells us: 

' ' After the Deluge, the first people came to South Amer- 
ica from parts unknown, landing somewhere on the coast 
of Venezuela. From there they gradually scattered over 
the whole continent, one band reaching the coast of Ecuador 
near Santa Elena. Several generations passed, many made 
voyages along the coast and some were shipwrecked. At 
last one branch took up its abode on an island called 
Guayau, near the shores of Ecuador. On that island 
Manco Capac was born, and after the death of his father 
Atau he resolved to leave his native place for a more 
favored clime. So he set out, in such craft as he had, with 
two hundred of his people, dividing them into three bands. 
Two of these were never heard from again, but he and his 
followers landed near lea, on the Peruvian coast, thence 
struggled up the mountains, reaching at last the shore of 
Lake Titicaca. There Manco separated from the others, 
leaving them with orders to divide after a certain time and 
to go in search of him, while he took the direction of Cuzco. 
He told his people, before leaving, that when any of the 
natives should ask them their purpose and destination, to 
reply that they were in quest of the son of the Sun. After 
this he departed, reaching at last a cave near the Cuzco 
valley, where he rested. 

"When the time had elapsed, his companions started in 
several groups in search of him. One of these crossed over 
to the Island of Titicaca, where they were surprised to find 
a rock, and in this rock a cave lined with gold, silver, and 
precious stones. Thereupon they sunk the craft in which 
they had reached the island, and agreed among themselves, 
if anybody from the surrounding country should appear, 
to say that they had come out of the cave to look for the 
son of the Sun. 

"A few days after, on the day of full moon, they saw 
some canoes approaching, and they forthwith retreated to 



326 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

the cavern. Those who came in the canoes, when they ap- 
proached the cliff and perceived the strangers viewing the 
cave apparently with the greatest unconcern, were sur- 
prised. The strangers gave them to understand that they 
had just come out of the rock and were in quest of the son 
of the Sun. This filled the others with profound respect 
for the newcomers; they worshiped them and made offer- 
ings to the rock, sacrificing children, llamas, and ducks. All 
together went back to the mainland, and shortly afterward 
learned that at Pacari Tampu the son of the Sun had come 
out of a cavern, called Capactocco, in great splendor, be- 
decked with gold, as brilliant in appearance as his father, 
and that with a sling he had hurled a stone with such force 
that the noise was heard for more than a league off, and the 
stone made in the rock a hole as large as a doorway. 94 

"At these news all the people of those regions went to see 
the miraculous being. Manco Capac received them as sub- 
jects. On this artifice he began to base his authority and 
the subsequent sway of the Inca tribe." 95 

Oliva mentions also a tradition concerning Tiahuanaco, 
according to which that place would be the oldest settle- 
ment in the land. He says that the original name of Tiahua- 
naco is Chucara, and that nothing is known of its earliest 
history beyond that "there lived the great chief Huyustus, 
who, they say, was lord of the world.' ' This, he states, was 
long previous to the time of Manco Capac. 96 

There is, in the tales related by Oliva, something that 
recalls those recorded by Cabello Balboa, and it would not 
be surprising if the writings of the latter could have been 
known to the former. 97 The details given by Oliva on the 
earliest periods, and about the manner in which Titicaca 
Island became connected with the Inca and their origin, are 
manifest explanation of traditions, related in much greater 
purity by Betanzos, Cieza, and others. 

At the time when Cobo and Oliva were gathering folk- 
lore on the past of the tribes of Cuzco and of the Collao, the 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 327 

Augustine monks in charge of the sanctuary of Copacavana 
were not idle. Leaving aside the yet insufficiently known 
work attributed to Fray Baltazar de Salas, printed in 
1628, 98 we must devote serious attention to the History of 
Copacabana by Fray Alonzo Ramos Gavilan, published at 
Lima in 1621." That book is exceedingly rare, but the late 
Father Sans of La Paz has published it as far as the incom- 
plete copy at his command permitted. In that copy the first 
three chapters were lacking, and Sans replaced them by his 
own views of the early history of Titicaca, in part. The 
Right Reverend Bishop of La Paz, Don Fray Nicolas Ar- 
mentia, however, acquainted with the existence of two com- 
plete copies of the work of Ramos, took pains to collate the 
book of Sans with one of these copies, and was also kind 
enough to allow me to copy such passages as were not con- 
tained in the publications of the former. Hence it becomes 
possible to investigate the text of Ramos completely. In 
them, a popular belief is mentioned in the origin of Manco 
Capac from Titicaca Island. 100 Ramos also speaks of a 
mysterious white man called Tunupa and Taapac, murdered 
by the Indians on the Island. 101 Mention is also made of 
the belief that, after several days of obscurity, the sun came 
out of the Sacred Rock. 102 

There are, in these statements of Ramos, many points of 
resemblance with what Cobo preserved. The two were not 
only contemporaries, but resided on the shores of Titicaca 
at the same time; the Augustine in the immediate vicinity 
of Titicaca at Copacavana, the Jesuit at Juli between that 
sanctuary and Puno. There may have been communication 
between them, or each may have obtained his information 
independently of the other. Besides, the Tonapa tale as 
related by Ramos is almost identical with the statements on 
the same topics by Salcamayhua, another contemporary of 
his. 103 It will be recollected that Tunapa was already 
alluded to by Cieza, but very few are the details he gives, in 
comparison with what is contained in the writings of Ramos 



328 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 

and Salcamayhua. Between 1550 and the beginning of the 
seventeenth century only a few fragments of stories re- 
sembling the Tonapa or Tunapa tradition are as yet 
known. 104 Hence it is possibly a Colla or Aymara tale, 
heard by Eamos and Salcamayhna from Aymara Indians 
or (in the case of the latter) from Quichnas confining with 
the Aymara stock. This is also supported by the first ap- 
pearance in detail of the legend of the cross of Carabuco. 
Anello Oliva makes an allusion to that singular tale, but 
he is posterior to Eamos. 

Withal elaborate details on one hand, and the brevity of 
notices on the other, all of which tends to shroud the sub- 
stance of original tradition, Eamos agrees with Betanzos 
and Cieza in the main, which is the more important, since it 
is not likely he consulted the works of either of these early 
writers. 105 He appears to base mainly on the lore he col- 
lected on the shores of the Lake and, possibly, on the Is- 
lands. It is no surprise, therefore, to find that those writers 
of his order that followed him in point of date, are hardly 
more than copyists, and acknowledge themselves as such. 

Father Antonio de la Calancha, a contemporary of Eamos 
and a punctual follower of his statements, 106 alludes, as a 
source he consulted, also to the Licentiate Polo de Onde- 
gardo, of whom I have treated before. Calancha refers to 
the investigations Ondegardo carried on "in all the coun- 
try above Chuquiago (La Paz), Chuquisaca (Sucre), Po- 
tosi, and their surroundings, where the Licentiate Polo 
made his inquiries, and in that of Chucuito." 107 As before 
stated, the known writings of Ondegardo contain no Titi- 
caca lore, so that Calancha must have had access to papers 
that are as yet unpublished. He says that, according to 
what Ondegardo gathered, the first men lived in obscurity 
and were nearly all destroyed by a flood, but multiplied 
again, and the builders of Tiahuanaco were turned into 
stone ; after which, at Tiahuanaco and on Lake Titicaca, the 
sun and moon appeared. "The sun at once went to the 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 329 

Indian Mango Capac, adopted him, made him king . . . 
and then rose into the heavens." 108 

Father Hippolyto Maracci, 109 the Augustine Fray Fer- 
nando de Valverde, and finally the Augustine Fray Andres 
de San Nicolas 110 — all base their statements on the writings 
of Fray Alonzo Eamos Gavilan. San Nicolas, after repeat- 
ing in substance what Eamos said, admits: "The founda- 
tion which the Indians had in worshiping the island and the 
rock . . . was because on it the family of the Incas had 
their fabulous origin." 111 

While the traditions which we have compiled differ from 
each other considerably in detail, their substance agrees 
fairly well, in that they all assign to a remote period the 
time when Titicaca Island first came into prominence 
among the Indians. The occasion for it seems to have been 
some natural phenomenon. A period of darkness (whether 
long or short is not safe to affirm) seems to have been its 
principal feature. After it the heavenly orbs shone out in 
splendor. By what this obscurity was produced we cannot 
conjecture. 112 Under any circumstances it appears certain 
that the tales about this occurrence, which fastened itself so 
firmly on the minds of the Indians, are local tales, not gen- 
eral myths. They belong essentially to the circle of Aymara 
folk-lore, whence they penetrated to a certain extent beyond 
their original home. 

To the same circle must be assigned the statements about 
the origin of the Inca from Titicaca Island, in connection 
with the natural phenomena alluded to. These also appear, 
in their primitive form, as traditions of the Aymara, sub- 
sequently, as shown in the writings of Garcilasso de la 
Vega, transferred to those of the Quichua of Cuzco. 



NOTES 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 
CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 



PART VI 



x The tl Viracochas ' ' here mentioned 
recall the "white and bearded men" 
of Cieza. See further on. 

2 This story is as truthful (it be- 
ing well established that Huascar was 
murdered by the order of Atauhuallpa 
near Antamarca, south of Caxamarca 
and north of Ayacucho) as that re- 
lated by Cieza (Primera Parte de la 
Cronica, Cap. CV, p. 447), that Manco, 
Inca, the one who led the Indians at 
the blockade of Cuzco in 1536, was 
born at Tiahuanaco. 

3 Something analogous is mentioned 
in that long and tiresome poem by 
Pedro de Peralta Barnuevo, Rocha y 
Benavides : Lima fundada o Conquista 
del Peru, 1732, edition of 1863, Canto 
segundo, p. 34. 

"Despues la astuta Huaco a infante 

hermoso, 
Criado en el seno de una gruta um- 

bria, 
Para darle por padre luminoso 
Del dia al claro autor, lo nego al dia : 
Luego en un monte al parto prodi- 

gioso, 
A quien oro calzaba, oro vestia. 
Lo expuso al vulgo infiel que lo juz- 

gaba 
No hi jo ya, el mismo Sol que lo 

alumbraba. ' ' 



* Compare my article on ' ' The 
Montezuma of the Pueblo Indians," 
in American Anthropologist, October, 
1892, p. 325. 

5 Especially at the pueblo of Co- 
chiti, New Mexico, where my since 
deceased host, Juan Jose Montoya 
(Matyaya Tihua), was very fond of 
displaying a smattering of classical 
history, gathered at random in conver- 
sation with the priests. 

6 Belatione per Sva Maesta, Ra- 
musio, 1565, Vol. III. 

7 Historia general y natural, Vol. 
IV, Lib. xlvi, p. 235: "A esta tierra 
vino antiguamente un grand senor con 
una gente que llaman Inga e agora se 
llaman ore j ones, e solo al superior le 
llaman Inga . . . Este senor que lla- 
man Inga poblo el Cuzco, e higo una 
cibdad muy f uerte para residir el . . . ' ' 

8 Eelacion del Descubrimiento, etc., 
p. 234: "Unos dicen que salio de 
la isla de Titicaca ques una isla questa 
en una laguna en el Collao, que tenia 
sesenta leguas en torno . . . Otros in- 
dios dicen queste primer senor salio de 
Tambo, este Tambo esta en Conde- 
suios seis leguas del Cuzco poco mas 6 
menos. Este primer Inga dicen se 
llamaba Inga Viracocha. ' ' 

9 Discurso sobre la Descendencia y 
Gobierno de los Ingas, p. 5. This 



331 



332 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



document was published in 1892, by- 
Jimenez de la Espada, under the title 
of Una Antigualla peruana. 

10 Discurso, p. 5: "Dieron este 
cargo a personas de mucha curiosidad 
por interpretacion de Pedro Escalante 
indio ladino en lengua castellana, el 
cual servia a Vaca de Castro de inter- 
prete, con asistencia de Juan de Betan- 
zos y Francisco de Villacastin vecinos 
desta ciudad del Cuzco, personas que 
sabian muy bien la lengua general 
deste reino, los cuales iban escribiendo 
lo que por los Quipos iban decla- 
rando. " Villacastin is mentioned, 
now and then, as being very well 
versed in Indian language. Cieza: 
Segunda Parte de la Cronica, p. 4, 
and others. 

11 On December 1, 1539, one Juan 
de Betanzos directed a letter to the 
Council of the Indies from Santo Do- 
mingo, concerning affairs of Cubagua : 
Carta al Consejo real de Indias, Docu- 
mentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. I, p. 
564. It is hardly possible this was 
the same as the author under con- 
sideration, since the latter would 
scarcely have had time to acquaint 
himself with the languages of Peru in 
the course of about three years. 

12 The manuscript of the Doctrina 
chripstiana is at the National Archives 
of Lima. Betanzos says (Suma y 
Narracion de los Incas, Dedicatoria) : 
' ' Hame sido tambien muy penoso, por 
el poco tiempo que he tenido para 
ocuparme en ella, pues para el otro 
libro de la Doctrina era menester 
todo. ' ' This shows that he worked at 
the latter work simultaneously with 
the Doctrina. 

13 Suma y Narracion, p. 100 : ' ' hasta 
este ano en que estamos de mill 
y quinientos y cincuenta y un 
aiios. ' ' 

14 We may gather this from Grego- 
rio Garcia: Origen de los Indios, 
edition of 1729 (Proemio), p. 4: 
"Juan de Betancos, conquistador del 
Peru, a do entro con D: Francisco Pi- 
zarro, hiqo vna Historia por mandado 



de D: Antonio de Mendoga, Virrei de 
aquel Eeino, aunque no salio a luz . . . 
Esta Historia tengo en mi poder, la 
qual me ha aiudado harto para este 
mi Libro. ' ' 

15 Suma y Narracion, Introduction, 
by Espada. 

16 Suma y Narracion, Cap. i, pp. 1 
and 2. 

17 Ibidem. 

18 Anello Oliva (Historia del Perv 
y Varones Insignes en Santidad de la 
Compania de Jesus, 1631, published at 
Lima about 1892, Lib. I, Cap. viii, 
p. 168) calls him "Pedro de Cieza 
Congora. " I have not yet been able 
to discover on what authority. 

19 He did it in Mexico, according to 
appearances. 

20 Cieza himself states of the First 
Part of the Chronicle, Primera Parte, 
p. 458: "La cual se comenzo a es- 
crebir en la ciudad de Cartago, de la 
gobernacion de Popayan, ano de 1541, 
y se acabo de escrebir originalmente 
en la ciudad de los Eeyes, del reino del 
Peru, a 8 dias del mes de Setiembre 
de 1550 anos, siendo el autor de 
edad de treinto y dos anos, ha- 
biendo gastado los diez y siete dellos 
en estas Indias." It is well estab- 
lished, also, that he died at Sevilla 
in 1560. 

21 Segunda Parte, Cap. vi, p. 13: 
"Y por hacerlo con mas verdad vine 
al Cuzeo, siendo en ella corregidor 
Juan de Sayavedra, donde hice juntar 
a Cayu Tupac, que es el que hoy vive 
de los descendientes de Huaina Capac, 
porque Sairi Tupac, hi jo de Manco 
Inca, esta retirado en Viticos . . . y 
a otros de los ore j ones, que son los 
que entre ellos se tienen por mas no- 
bles; y con los me j ores interpretes y 
lenguas que se hallaron les pregunt6, 
estos senores Incas que gente era y de 
que nacion. ' ' 

22 Primera Parte, Cap. era, p. 445: 
"que carecieron de lumbre muchos 
dias, y que estando todos puestos en 
tinieblas y obscuridad, salio desta isla 
de Titicaca el sol muy resplandeciente, 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 



333 



por lo cual la tuvieron por cosa sa- 
grada, y los ingas hicieron en ella el 
templo que digo, que fue entre ellos 
muy estimado y venerado, a honra de 
su sol, ..." (Cap. c, p. 443), "y 
que el uno dellos entro en la laguna 
de Titicaca, y que hallo en la isla 
mayor que tiene aquel palude gentes 
blancas y que tenian barbas, con los 
cuales peleo de tal manera, que los 
pudo matar a todos. ' ' 

23 If any reliance can be placed on 
the various lists of Inca war-chiefs 
given by the authors of the sixteenth 
century, Inca Viracocha must have 
lived about the end of the fourteenth 
century. 

24 Segunda Parte, Cap. iv, p. 4. 

25 Ibidem, p. 2. 

26 Ibidem, Cap. v, p. 5. 

27 Ibidem, p. 6. 

28 Eelacion del Descubrimiento, p. 
233. 

28 Eistoria de las guerras civiles del 
Peru, III, p. 421: "Quanto a lo 
primero dizen los yndios muy viejos 
y antiguos y que lo oyeron dezir a sus 
mayores y lo tienen oy dia en sus 
memorias y cantares, que uvo seiscien- 
tos anos primeros que no tuvieron 
reyes, sino vnos senoretes llamados 
curacas que los gouernauan cada vno 
en su prouincia y que despues vinieron 
los Yngas que reynaron en todas estas 
prouincias, que les auro mas de Seis- 
cientos anos. El primer senor que 
comengo a entrar por tierras agenas 
fue llamado Mango-Ynga Capalla, " 
etc. There is a certain analogy between 
the tale about the Collao and Hatun- 
colla (now a village a short distance 
north of Puno near Lake Titicaca) 
told by Gutierrez, and the following 
statement of Cieza: Segunda Parte, 
Cap. iv, p. 3 : l ' Y estando estas gentes 
desta manera se levanto en la pro- 
vincia del Collao un senor valentisimo 
llamado Zapana, el cual pudo tanto, 
que metio debajo de su sefiorio muchas 
gentes de aquella provincia. f ' This 
Zapana is also mentioned by Cieza in 
Primera Parte, Cap. c, p. 443, as one 



of the earliest and principal chiefs of 
the Collao. There is a resemblance 
between Zapalla and Zapana. Ac- 
cording to Torres Rubio (Arte y Vo- 
cabulario, fol. 82), Qapalla means 
' ' solo, vno, ' ' in Quichua. In Aymara 
there is, among the words used to 
designate "the only one, " according 
to Bertonio (Vccabulario, I, p. 436), 
"sapaktha, " and for "alone and un- 
accompanied, ' ' ' * sapaqui. ' ' The term 
Zapalla, as part of a title of the prin- 
cipal Inca war-chief, is found in 
Cieza, Segunda Parte, Cap. lxi, p. 233 : 
"Y asi, a grandes voces decian: 
Guayna Capac Inca Zapalla tucuillacta 
uya, " que quiere decir: l Guayna Ca- 
pae solo es rey, a, el oyan todos los 
pueblos. ' 

The Cons and Pachacamac myth is 
found in Eistoria de las guerras 
civiles del Peru, III, Cap. lvi, p. 486 
et seq. : ' l En toda esta tierra, tamana 
como es, que los Ingas senores auian, 
y todos los yndios que en ella habi- 
tauan, adorauan dos dioses, que el vno 
se dezia Cons y el otro Pachacama, 
como a dioses principales; y por aces- 
sores tenian al Sol y a la Luna 
(diciendo) que eran marido y muger 
y que estos eran multiplicadores de 
toda la tierra,' ' etc. (P. 493): 
"Cuentan los yndios muy viejos que 
agora ay, que lo oyeron de sus passa- 
dos, que el primer Dios que uvo en la 
tierra fue llamado Cons, el cual f ormo 
el cielo, sol, la luna, estrellas y la 
tierra, con todos los animales y lo 
demas que ay en ella, que fue tan 
solamente con el pensamiento y con 
su resuello, y que pasando por estas 
tierras, que eran todavia despobladas, 
hizo y crio todas las cosas que se veen 
y parescen en ellas, y que formo con 
su resuello todos los yndios y los ani- 
males terrestres y aues celestes y 
muchos arboles y plantas de diuersas 
maneras. Y que despues desto se fue 
a la mar y que anduuo a pie enjuto 
sobre ella, y sobre los rios, y que crio 
todos los peces que ay, con sola su 
palabra, y que hizo otras cosas mara- 



334 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



villosas, y que despues se fue desta 
tierra y se subio al cielo. Dezian mas 
estos yndios, que desde a mucho tiempo 
y a muchos afios y siglos vino a la 
tierra vn otro dios mas poderoso que 
Cons, llamado Pachacama, que quiere 
dezir Hazedor del Mundo, o Ke- 
formador, y que destruyo con fuego 
y agua todo lo kecho y criado por 
el dios Cons, y que los yndios que 
auia los conuirtio en simios y monos 
y los embio a biuir a los Andes y a 
los valles . . . Y que despues de de- 
struydas estas tierras, dizen los yndios 
que el dios Pachacama, como mas 
poderoso en todas las cosas y por 
otra parte misericordioso, las torno a 
reformar y a mundifiear . . . y que 
despues de hechas estas cosas, con 
otras muchas, dizen que se torno al 
cielo. " The analogy between the 
above and the myth consigned in Be- 
tanzos, of the two successive " crea- 
tors,' ' is manifest, but in the version 
of Gutierrez the utterly ' ' un-Indian ' ' 
notions of a creation performed by 
the breath of a creative element or 
individual, and especially the crea- 
tion by means of the "word,'* 
show that the lore is no longer in 
its primitive state. It is likely that 
Gutierrez, who finished his work 
nearly forty years after he had been 
in Peru, either explained while pre- 
tending to simply narrate the tales, 
or that he adopted adulterated ver- 
sions. 

30 The passages relating to the as- 
sumed " conquest of Cuzco" are 
found in his Historia de las guerras 
civiles, III, p. 432 et seq. 

31 It would be too long to refer in 
detail to this subject. Interested stu- 
dents can easily compare the series, 
in each of the authors mentioned, 
with others, and draw their conclu- 
sions accordingly. 

32 Historia del Descubrimiento y 
Conquista de la Provincia del Peril, 
Vedia, Vol. II, p. 459. 

83 Ibidem, p. 470: "Y al principal 
dellos llamaron Zapalla inga, que es 



solo senor, aunque algunos quieren de- 
cir que le llamaron inga Vira- 
cocha . . ." This recalls Pedro 
Pizarro : Belacion, p. 234. 

In Quichua, the ear is called "rinc 
ri. M Torres Eubio: Arte, fols. 99, 
135. 

34 The title of the second edition of 
Gomara's chronicle is: Primera y 
Segunda Parte de la historia general 
de las Indias hasta el ano de 1551, 
Medina del Campo, 1553; I use the 
reprint by Vedia : Historiadores primi- 
tivos de Indias, Vol. I, p. 231. 
Levinus Apollonius (He peruanae Be- 
gionis, inter Noui Orbis prouincias 
Celeberrimae, inuentione: 4' in eadem 
gestis, Libri V, Antwerp, 1567, fol. 
36) merely copies, in a condensed 
form, either Gomara or Zarate. 

85 Conquista y Poblacion del Peru, 
Documentos para la Historia de Chile, 
Vol VII, p. 447: "Dicen estos ore- 
jones que la manera que tuvieron para 
tener senores entre si, fue de que una 
laguna questa treinta leguas de Cuzco 
en la tierra del Collao, que se llama 
Titucaca, salio dellos que se Uamaba 
Inga-Viracocha, que era muy entendido 
y sabio, y decia que era hi jo del Sol, 
y este dicen ellos, que les dio policia 
de vestidos, y ha<jer casas de piedra, y 
fue el que edifico el Cuzco, y hizo 
casas de piedra, " etc. The document 
cited was already known to Prescott. 
There is a manuscript copy of it at 
the Lenox branch of the New York 
Public Library, and it has been pub- 
lished twice, both times in South 
America. Jimenez de la Espada (Tres 
Belaciones de Antiguedades peruanas, 
Carta al Excmo Sr. D:Francisco de 
Borja Queipo de Llano, Conde de 
Toreno, p. xiii) gives a somewhat 
different title, and suggests, that the 
author might have been Father Cris- 
toval de Molina, who is known to 
have written a Descripcion de todo lo 
descubierto y andado por Hon Hiego 
de Almagro, desde Tumbez al rio de 
Maule, in 1539. This document is still 
unpublished : Belaciones geograficas 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 



335 



de Indias, I, pp. xlii and cxlii, Ante- 
cedentes. 

36 Suma y Narracion, Cap. n, p. 8. 

37 Comentarios Reales, editio prin- 
ceps, Lisbon, 1609, Vol. I, Proemio. 

38 Ibidem, I, f ol. 263. 

39 Ibidem. It would require copy 
of the whole chapter to present the 
details. The petition was handsomely 
attended to, the petitioners receiving: 
"Es assi que al principio deste ano 
de seys cientos y quatro salio la con- 
sulta en su negocio, de que se le hazia 
merced de siete mil y quinientos duca- 
dos de renta perpetuos, situados en la 
caxa Eeal de su Magestad en la 
ciudad de los Reyes, ' ' etc. 

40 Comentarios Reales, I, Lib. I, Cap. 
xv, f ol. 14. 

41 Ibidem, f ol. 15. 

^Enrique Torres Saldamando: Los 
Antiguos Jesuitas del Peru, pp. 21 to 
23, inclusive. 

43 The name was probably Lartaum, 
or Lartaun. Mendiburu: Diccionario 
Historico Biogrdfico del Peru, Vol. 
IV, p. 388. 

Cobo (Historic/, del Nuevo Mundo, 
Vol. Ill, p. 118), after mentioning 
the investigation carried on under the 
auspices of the viceroy, adds: "Y 
poco despues, en otra junta general 
de los indios viejos que habian alcan- 
zado el reinado del Inca Guaina 
Capac, que hizo en la misma ciudad 
del Cuzco Cristobal de Molina, cura 
de la parroquia de Nuestra Senora de 
los Eemedios del Hospital de los 
naturales, por mandado del obispo 
D: Sebastian de Lartaum, se averiguo 
lo mismo, resultando della una copiosa 
relacion de los ritos y f abulas que en 
su gentilidad tenian los indios perua- 
nos. La eual conforma en todo lo 
sustancial con la del licenciado Polo 
y con la que se hizo por orden de 
D: Francisco Toledo, que ambas vinie- 
ron a mi poder . . . ' ' 

44 The title given in the publication 
of that important document is utterly 
misleading, as Jimenez de la Espada 
has justly observed. It reads: Rela- 



cion de los fundamentos acerca del 
notable dano que resulta de no guardar 
d los Indios sus Fueros, Doc. de In- 
dias, Vol. XVII, p. 9. 

45 Ondegardo : Relacion de los 
fundamentos, p. 10: "porque dado 
caso como es ansi quellos tuvieron 
noticia del Diluvio, afirman que se 
destruyo todo el Mundo por agua; 
desta generalidad dura la memoria en- 
trellos e muy generalmente como cosa 
muy notoria. ' ' It must be noted that 
Ondegardo made his search for folk- 
lore more than thirty years after the 
first contact of Peruvian Indians with 
whites, and when the church was al- 
ready well established in that part of 
South America. Also, that neither 
Betanzos nor Cieza allude to a tale of 
the deluge in the myths they have 
preserved. There are some stories of 
great inundations, but apparently 
local ones only, and the remark is 
very pertinent, by Joseph de Acosta: 
Historia natural y moral de las Indias, 
1608, Lib. I, Cap. xxv, p. 82: "Ay 
entre ellos comunmente gran noticia, 
y mucha platica del diluvio, pero no 
se puede bie determinar, si el diluuio 
que estos refieren, es el vniuersal, que 
cuenta la diuina Escritura, o si f ue al- 
guno otro diluuio, o inundacion par- 
ticular, de las regiones en que ellos 
mora: mas de que en aquestas 
tierras, hombres expertos dizen, que 
se veen senales claros, de auer auido 
alguna grande inundacion. Yo mas 
me llego al parecer, de los que 
sienten, que los rastros y senales que 
ay de diluuie, no son del de Noe, sino 
de alguno otro particular, como el que 
cuenta Platon, o el que los Poetas 
cantan de Deucalion. " 

46 The hospital for Indians was 
founded at Cuzco with the aid of vol- 
untary donations of the Spanish resi- 
dents (amounting to 17,314 pesos). 
The subscriptions were opened March 
25, 1556, and in eleven days 14,500 
pesos had been subscribed. See Rela- 
cion de las mandas y limosnas que los 
vezinos y abitantes hizieron en la 



336 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



fundacion del dicho hospital. MSS. 
Original in Libro vie jo de la funda- 
cion de la gran ciudad del Cuzco. 

47 The Fables and Bites of the 
Yncas, Hackluyt Society, 1873, pp. 4 
to 6. 

** Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 
p. 44: "La segunda se decia Puquin- 
cancha. Era una casa del Sol que 
estaba encima de Cayocache. Sacrifi- 
cabanle ninos. " 

49 Segunda parte de la Historia 
general llamada Indica, la cual por 
mandado del excelentisimo senor Bon 
Francisco de Toledo, virrey, gober- 
nador, y capitdn general de los reinos 
del Piru y mayordomo de la casa real 
de Castilla, compuso el capitdn Pedro 
Sarmiento de Gamboa. Finished 
1572. (In Abhandl. der Konigl. Ge- 
sellschaft der Wissenschaften zu 
Gbttingen. Neue Folge, Band VI, 
1902-1906.) 

50 Informaciones acerca del Senorio 
y Gobierno de los Ingas hechas por 
mandado de Don Francisco de Toledo, 
Virey del Peru, 1570 to 1572, pub- 
lished by Espada, at Madrid, in 1882, 
together with the Memorias of Monte- 
sinos. Carta de Bon Francisco de 
Toledo al Consejo de Indias, March 1, 
1572, p. 249. A painted cloth contain- 
ing a "genealogy" of Inca Indians 
was also sent to Spain in 1603, in 
care of Garcilasso de la Vega, but it 
stood in no relation to the four men- 
tioned. Comentarios Eeales, I, fol. 
263: "Y para mayor verificacion, y 
demonstracion embiaron pintado en 
vara y media de tafetan bianco de la 
China el arbol Eeal, descendiendo 
desde Manco Capac hasta Huayna 
Capac, y su hi jo Paullu. Venian los 
Yncas pintados en su trage antiguo. 
En las cabecas trayan la borla colo- 
rada, y en las ore j as sus oregeras: y 
en las manos sendas partesanas en 
lugar de cetro Eeal: venian pintados 
de los pechos arriba y no mas. * ' This 
agrees fairly well with the so-called 
pictures of the Inca chiefs given by 
Herrera, and, as the date when the 



cloth was sent to Garcilasso was a 
few years previous to the publica- 
tion of the latter 's book, there is 
a possibility that this cloth, and 
not the four painted pieces sent by 
Toledo, served to Herrera as origi- 
nals. It is true, however, that Paullu 
Inca does not appear on Herrera 's 
medallions. 
51 See note 43. 

62 Informaciones acerca del Senorio 
y Gobierno de los Ingas, p. 267. Only 
one witness, originally from Chacha- 
poyas, but living on the coast at 
Huacho, testified that "Manco Capac 
habia salido de una Pena de Plomo. ,> 
This alludes to the Quichua interpre- 
tation of the word "Titicaca." As 
already stated, the word is Aymara, 
and signifies "rock of the wild cat." 
The Indians who dwelt on and near 
the Island long before the Inca ap- 
peared were Aymara, who gave the 
name to the Island in their native 
tongue. 

From the writings of Calancha 
(Coronica Moralizada, Vol. I, Lib. n, 
Cap. x, p. 366) it seems the investi- 
gations of Ondegardo are also em- 
bodied in another report which is not 
accessible to me. 

63 Segunda Parte de la Hist. gral. 
llamada Indica, p. 26. 

54 1 quote from the French transla- 
tion of the Misceldnea austral, by 
Ternaux Compans, published under 
the title of Histoire du Perou, pp. 11 
and 144. 

B5 Acosta was born at Medina del 
Campo, in Spain, about the year 1540. 
Torres Saldamando: Los antiguos 
Jesuitas del Peru, p. 2. The data 
given in my text are found on pages 
2 and 10. He died at Salamanca, 
February 15, 1600. 

BG Historia natural y moral de las 
Indias, Lib. VI, Cap. xix, p. 429: 
"Por mandado de la Magestad Cato- 
liea del Eey don Felipe nuestro 
senor, se hizo aueriguacion con la dili- 
gencia que fue possible del origen, y 
ritos, y fueros de los Ingas, y por no 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 



337 



tener aquellos Indios escrituras, no se 
pudo apurar tanto como se desseara. ' ' 

57 Hist, natural, etc., p. 82. 

58 Ibidem, p. 432. 

59 The first edition of Herrera is 
from 1601-1615. I use the one edited 
by Barcia, from 1726, 1728-1730. 
Historia general de los Hechos de los 
Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra ftrme 
del Mar Oceano, Vol. II, Dee. v, p. 60 
et seq. 

60 Origen de los Indios, edition 
1729, pp. 333 and 334. He also quotes 
Cieza and Aeosta. 

61 Las Eepublicas del Mundo, Sala- 
manca, 1595, Vol. Ill, Lib. n, Cap. 
xi, fol. 163. 

62 1 follow the indications of Don 
Marcos Jimenez de la Espada: Tres 
Eelaciones, p. xliv: "La circunstancia 
de encontrarse junto con otros MSS. 
del Dr. Francisco de Avila, y anotado 
ademas por el sabio visitador, sobre 
abonar su interes, nos presta alguna 
luz acerca de la fecha en que debio 
escribirse, y que yo pongo no lejos de 
los aiios de 1613." 

* 3 B elation de Antigiiedades deste 
Eeyno del Piru, Tres Eelaciones. p. 
234. He says: "que entre los natu- 
rales k las cosas de los tiempos 
passados siempre los suelen parlar," 
etc. The word "parlar" for "to 
speak" is used to-day by the Ay- 
mara generally. In Vocabulario de 
las Voces usuales de Aymara al Cas- 
tellano y Quechua, 1895, p. 2, "Par- 
lai" is given as the Quichua term for 
hablar, and "arusina" for the 
Aymara. Hence it would seem to 
have been a Quichua word, although it 
is not found in Torres Eubio, Arte y 
Vocabulario, 1754, nor in Tschudi, 
Worterbuch, 1853, or in Bertonio. 

"Belacion de Antigiiedades, p. 234, 
same volume, p. xliii: "Porque eso si, 
DrJuan de Santa Cruz quiere mos- 
trarse catolico cristiano a toda costa, 
convirtiendo, siempre que puede, en 
nuestros diablos los antiguos espiritus 
de los huacas, y sustituyendo la inter- 
vencion bondadosa 6 severa del incom- 



prensible Huiracocha en ciertos 
hechos materiales y externos, 6 en la 
conciencia de los Incas, por la de 
Jesucristo 6 la de su eterno Padre. ' ' 

65 Ibidem, p. 234. 

60 Ibidem, p. 236. 

67 P. 239. 

68 P. 240. 

69 Pp. 237 and 240. 

70 Ibidem, p. 240 et seq. 

71 P. 237. 

72 Extirpation de la Ydolatria del 
Pirv, Lima, 1621. Father Arriaga 
was born at Vergara, in Biscay, in 
1564, went to Peru in 1585, returning 
to Spain (after having been admitted 
into the Society of Jesus and received 
ordination) in 1601. He came back 
to Peru three years after and was en- 
gaged in the systematic investigation 
of ancient Peruvian ceremonials. He 
became entrusted with the construc- 
tion of the College of Caciques at 
Lima, which was opened in 1619. 
Father Arriaga perished, 1622, near 
Havana in a tempest that wrecked a 
number of vessels. 

73 He came to Peru in 1610, and 
died at Lima, December 3, 1670. 
Torres Saldamando: Los antiguos 
Jesuitas, p. 122. Arriaga cites him 
frequently and Fray Antonio de la 
Calancha (Coronica Moralizada, Vol. 
I, p. 410) refers to his manuscript 
entitled Contra Idolatriam as a very 
valuable source on the ceremonials of 
the Indians of the coast. Espada, in 
his introduction (letter to the Conde 
de Toreno, Tres Eelaciones, p. xxxiv), 
mentions two works of Father Ter- 
huel: Tratado de las idolatrias de los 
indios del Peru, and the above cited 
Contra Idolatriam, of which he says: 
"en que se ocupa del origen de los 
indios yuncas 6 de los llanos coste- 
fios." 

74 Extirpation de la Ydolatria, Cap. 
ix, p. 53. 

75 Extirpation, p. 6: "Despues de 
los dichos dos Visitadores, el primero 
que puso mas cuidado en esto fue el 
Doctor Fernando de Avendano, que 



338 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



tenia entonces la doctrina de San Pe- 
dro de Casta en la misma provincia de 
Huaroehiri. ' ' Extracts of letters 
written by Avendano are given by 
Arriaga. Very valuable, principally 
for linguistics, are the sermons 
preached by Avendano in Quichua and 
published (with a Spanish transla- 
tion) in 1649 at Lima: Sermones de 
los Misterios de Nvestra Santa Fe 
catolica, en Lengua castellana, y la 
general del Inca. They contain noth- 
ing relative to Titicaca. 

76 Extirpation, Cap. xv, p. 88: 
"Todo lo que dixeren a de yr escri- 
viendo brevemente, pero con claridad, 
y distincion para mejor entenderse en 
vn libro bianco, que tendra para este 
ef ecto ; poniendo su titulo. La Ydola- 
tria que se descubrio en tal pueblo, 
tal dia mes y ano. Y en el mismo 
libro a parte, o en otro distinto, yra 
escriviendo, lo q incidetemente descu- 
briere de Huacas, o Heehizeros, o cosas 
seme j antes de otros pueblos. Y lo 
mismo hara eada y quando, que 
supiere las cosas de otras partes, 
aunque no sean de su visita . . . De 
qual quiera manera que sea todo lo 
que se supiere, lo cierto como cierto, 
y lo dudoso, como dudoso, se a de 
escribir con claridad, puntualidad, y 
diligencia. ' ' 

77 1 refer, for such works, to the 
letter to the Conde Toreno, by Es- 
pada, in Tres Eelaciones de Antigue- 
dades Peruanas. 

78 Historia del Nuevo Mundo, com- 
pleted 1653, but published in Sevilla 
in 1900, in four volumes. It is one 
of the most important works on Span- 
ish America (the author also lived in 
Mexico for twenty years) for eth- 
nology, archaeology and natural his- 
tory for the seventeenth century. 
* 79 Historia del Nuevo Mundo, Vol. 
Ill, p. 121. 

80 Ibidem. 

81 P. 122. 

82 P. 123. 

83 P. 124. 

84 P. 125. 



85 P. 125: "Otra fabula del origen 
de los Incas es muy seme j ante a esta, 
salvo que afirma que los primeros 
nacieron en la sobredieha isla de una 
mujer llamada Titicaca, de quien 
tomo el nombre que hoy tiene la isla 
y laguna. ' ' 

86 Vol. IV, p. 55. 

87 Ibidem. 

88 Historia del Perv y Varones in- 
signes en Santidad de la Compania de 
Jesus, p. xvi. 

89 P. 5 et seq. 

90 Lib. I, Cap. ii, p. 23: "Noticia 
sera esta que no se hallara tan facil- 
mente en las historias, por lo menos 
con auer visto, y leido muchas no la 
he alcancado dellas, y en el tiempo 
que estoy escribiendo esta vinieron a 
mis manos unos papeles originales, 
que me dio el doctor Bartolome Cer- 
vantes, racionero de la Sancta yglesia 
de los Charcas en que halle con pun- 
tualidad lo que muchos anos a e de- 
seado saber." 

91 Pp. 18, 19 and 20. 

92 Lib. I, Cap. ii, p. 17. 

93 Comentarios Beales, I, fol. 137. 
He claims: "Yo trate los Quipus y 
nudos con los Yndios de mi padre, y 
con otros Curaeas quando por san 
Juan y Nauidad venian a la Ciudad, 
a pagar sus tributos. Los Curaeas 
agenos rogauan a mi madre, que me 
mandasse les cotejasse sus cuentas por 
que, como gente sospechosa, no se 
fiauan de los Espanoles, que les tra- 
tassen verdad en aquel particular, 
hasta que yo les certificaua della, 
leyendoles los traslados, que de sus 
tributos me trayan, y cotejandolos 
con sus nudos, y desta manera supe 
dellos tanto como los Yndios. " 

94 Historia del Perv, Lib. I, Cap. n, 
pp. 23-27. The story of the throw 
with the sling was repeated to us by 
an Indian from Azangaro north of 
the Lake, with slight variations. 

93 Ibidem. 

96 P. 38: "Luego diuidio el Eeino 
en quatro partes que son las mismas 
en que el gran Huyustus antes que 



ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 



339 



comengara a reinar su padre Maneo 
Capac lo auia repartido . . ." This 
refers to the Inca war-chief Sinchi 
Eoea and alludes to a supposed ante- 
rior rule, the seat of which was Tia- 
huanaco. (P. 39.) "Y passo a las 
partes de Tyyay Vanacu por ver sus 
edificios que antiguamente llamaban 
Chucara, cuya antigiiedad nadie supo 
determinalla. Mas solo que alii vivia 
el gran senor Huyustus que decian ser 
Senor de todo el mundo." The word 
1 * Huyustus ' ' is suspicious. It is 
neither Quichua nor Aymara, and re- 
calls the manner in which the Indians 
of those parts would pronounce li Au- 
gustus" ! 

97 Cabello Balboa was alive in 1603. 
Orden y Traza para descubrir y poblar 
la tierra de los Chunchos y otras pro- 
vincias, Eel. geogrdficas, II, Apendice 
III, p. cxii. 

98 Vizcarra : Copacdbana de los In- 
eas. About this rather suspicious 
book, and that of Salas upon which it 
claims to be based, see preceding 
chapters. 

"The work of Father Eamos is 
exceedingly rare. I know of only four 
copies, one of which (and an incom- 
plete copy) was taken to Spain by 
Father Eafael Sans, while two intact 
ones are in Bolivia and the fourth 
one at the Hispanic Society of 
America. My friend, the Eight 
Eeverend Bishop of La Paz, Fray 
Nicolas Armentia, had the kind- 
ness to compare the text of one 
of these copies with the purported 
reprint of the book by the late 
Father Nicolas Sans, and to furnish 
me with the title of the original, 
which is: Historia del celebre y mila- 
groso Santuario de la Ynsigne Ym dgen 
de Nra Sfa de Copacdbana, Lima, 
1621. Of the partial reprints made 
by Father Sans there are two editions, 
also rare, the first one of which, dated 
1860, contains a map of Lake Titicaca 
and an outline sketch of Copacavana. 
The second edition bears date 1886. 
I quote from the former. 



100 Historia de Copacdbana, 1860, 
Cap. i-ii, p. 3: "y de la cual la 
tradicion vulgar hace salir a Manco 
Capac a la conquista del imperio. " 
This is from Father Sans. 

101 Cap. xxvii, p. 53 et seq. 

102 Cap. vin, p. 12: "El fundamento 
de la estimacion de esta isla fue ha- 
berse creido por los antiguos que, 
habiendo estado en tinieblas algunos 
dias, vieron despues salir al Sol de 
aquella pefia. ' ' 

103 with the difference that Eamos 
gives more detail concerning the mys- 
terious "Cross of Carabuco." See 
my article in the American Anthro- 
pologist, Vol. VI, No. 5. ' ' The Cross 
of Carabuco. " 

104 And even that resemblance is 
very faint. Compare Eelacion de la 
Eeligion y Eitos del Peru, hecha por 
los primeros Eeligiosos Agustinos 
que alii pasaron para la Conversion 
de los naturdles, Doc. de Indias, III, 
p. 24; also Cabello Balboa: Mis- 
celanea austral (MSS.). 

105 The manuscript of Betanzos was, 
when Eamos wrote, in Spain, and 
possibly in the hands of Fray Gre- 
gorio Garcia. Of the writings of 
Cieza only the first part had been 
published. 

106 According to Mendiburu {Die- 
cionario, Vol. II, p. 117), Calancha 
was born at Sucre (now in Bolivia), 
in 1584, and died 1654. His pon- 
derous, but valuable work, Coronica 
Moralizada, was published, the first 
volume in 1638, the second (very 
rare), in 1653. 

107 Coronica Moralizada, Vol. I, Lib. 
II, Cap. x, p. 366. 

108 Ibidem, p. 367. 

109 De diva virgine, Copacavana, in 
peruano novi mvndi Eegno celeber- 
lima, Liber vnvs, Quo eius Origo, et 
Miracula compendio descripta, Eome, 
1656. 

110 Imdgen de N:S: de Copacavana, 
mentioned previously. 
™ Idem, f ol. 19. 
112 Eamos: Historia de Copacdbana, 



340 



THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 



Cap. vm, p. 12, edition of 1860: "El 
fundamento de la estimacion de esta 
isla fue el haberse creido por los an- 
tiguos que, habiendo estado en tinie- 
blas algunos dias, vieron despues salir 
al Sol de aquella pena. " I call at- 
tention to the various versions con- 
cerning the duration of the obscurity 



in which the region is said to have 
been plunged. Some authors mention 
a long period, while others speak of 
merely a few days. Such a short 
period of darkness was at Copacavana 
produced by the eruption of the vol- 
cano of Ornate in 1600. Eamos: 
Eistoria, p. 120. 



LIST OF INDIGENOUS PLANTS 

These plants were collected by Mrs. Ad. F. Bandelier on the 
Island of Titicaca, and nse was made thereof according to state- 
ments of the Indians. 



Name in Aymara Latin Name Use in Indian Medicine 

Belalaya Malvastrum "Against all kind of diseases" 

Chapi Relbunium microphyllum 

(Gray) Hemsley Same 

Chaueha Not determined Against dog-bite. The plant 

is ground to a pulp, which 
is mixed with the ashes of 
the hairs of the dog and 
applied as a plaster on the 
wound 

Chiki Acicarpha procumbens 

Lass Taken as an infusion to re- 
fresh the blood after a dis- 
pute or quarrel 

Hanuea Not determined Not used on the Island 

Hanuk'ara Lepidium bonarensis DC . Against pneumonia and pleu- 

rosis. Taken as infusion 

Hanuk'ara irma . Not determined Not used on the Island 

Kachu-Kachu . . . Erodium cicutarium L'Her Against goitre. Toasted like 

coffee, ground and applied 
on the skin. Same use in 
the case of sores 

Kea-Kea Not determined Placed on wounds or cuts to 

stop bleeding 

Layu-Layu Oxalis, probably a new 

species Not used on the Island 

Marancela Sisyrinchium Sps., near J 

S. pusilla H. B. K. . . > Both used as purgatives 

Marancela Lobelia nana H. B. K. . ) 

Misicu Not determined Against pain in the stomach 

Muni-Muni Not determined Same use as Chik'i 

341 



342 LIST OF INDIGENOUS PLANTS 

Name in Aymara Latin Name Use in Indian Medicine 

Nunumaya Solarium aureifolium 

Rusby The leaves, dried and moist- 
ened with native grape- 
brandy, are wrapped around 
the body of a child that has 
been frightened by the sight 
of a corpse. If the child 
falls into perspiration and 
its cheeks become red, it is 
looked upon as saved, other- 
wise it may die. See "Lar- 
pata" 

Panti-Panti Cosmos pulcherrimus .... The root and flowers are used 

for preparing a hot infu- 
sion which is an excellent 
remedy against severe colds 

Sasaya blanca . . Cerastium arvense L Taken as infusion against 

sudden affections of the 
lungs and some nervous dis- 
eases peculiar to the coun- 
try 

Tonouari Acicarpha While admitting that the plant 

is used by them for medic- 
inal purposes, the Indians 
obstinately refused to give 
any information on the sub- 
ject 

Uairank'aya .... Ranunculus praemorsus 

H. B. K Not used on the Island 

Verbena Verbena , For all sorts of diseases 



The determination of botanical names in the above list is due to 
the kindness of Professor Nathaniel L. Britton, Director of the New 
York Botanical Gardens. 



INDEX 



INDEX TO PRINTED SOURCES IN THIS VOLUME 



(The page numbers following titles refer to this volume.) 



Acosta, P. Josef de: 

Historia natural y moral de Indias, 1608. 
156, 336, 337 

Agassiz, Alexandre, and Garman, S. "W. : 
Exploration of Lake Titicaca. 32 

Anonymous : 

Relacion del sitio del Cuzco. 244 
Vocabulario de las voces usuales de Ay- 
mara al Castellano y Quechua, 1894, 242, 
337 

Relacion de las costumbres antiguas de los 
naturales del Piru, 1615 (in Tres Rela- 
ciones de Antigiiedades peruanas). 150, 
151, 159, 248 

La Conquista del Peru, llamada la Nueua 
Castilla, Sevilla, 1534. 129, 252 

Apollonius, Levinus: 

De peruanae Regionis, inter Noui Orbis 
prouincias, Celeberrimae, inuentione: 8 in 
eadem gestis, 1567. 334 

Archivo boliviano: 

Carta de los principales de Sica-sica a la 
Comunidad de Callapa (1781). 145 
Borda, Fray Matias : 

Informe (1781). 145, 148 

Arriaga, P. Pablo, Josef de: 

Extirpacion de la Ydolatria del Pirv, 1621. 
25, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153. 
154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 242, 243, 
247, 248, 250, 255, 337, 338 

Avendafio, P. Fernando de: 

Sermones de los Misterios de Nuestra 
Santa Fe catolica, en Lengua castellana, 
y la general del Inca, 1649. 338 

Bandelier, Ad. F. : 

The Aboriginal Ruins at Sillustani. Peru, 

1905. 243 

The Montezuma of the Pueblo Indians, 

1892. 331 

An Archaeological Reconnoissance into 

Mexico (second edition). 139, 140, 141, 

243 

Final Report of Investigations among the 

Indians of the Southwestern United 

States, Vol. I. 140, 141, 287 

Cross of Carabuco (American Anthropolo 



150, 158, 245, 249, 254, 286, 297, 332, 
335 

Cabello Balboa, Miguel de: 

Histoire du Perou (Ternaux Compans). 
336 

Calancha, Fray Antonio de la: 

Coronica Moralizada del Orden de San 
Agustin en el Peru, Vol. I, 1638. 27, 30, 
36, 37, 287, 288, 336, 339 
Vol. II, 1653. 26, 137, 155, 242, 244, 
246, 249, 251 

Casas, Fray Bartolome de las: 

Breuissima relacion dela destruycion delas 
Yndias (Venice, 1643). 133 

Cieza de Leon, Pedro de: 

Segunda Parte de la Cronica del Peru, 
Que trata del Senorio de los Incas Yupan- 
quis y de sus Grandes Hechos y Gobernacion 
(written previous to 1560, published 
Madrid, 1880). 29, 136, 150, 154, 158, 
159, 244, 246, 254, 256, 286, 288, 332, 333 
Primera Parte de la Cronica del Peru. 
29, 34, 35, 36, 131, 136, 139, 141, 142, 
146, 147, 149, 151, 241, 243, 255, 256, 
288, 289, 331, 332, 333 

Cobo, P. Bernabe: 

Historia del Nuevo Mundo, 1683 (Sevilla, 
1890). 29, 34, 56, 135, 136, 137, 139, 
140, 141, 142, 143, 148, 150, 153, 154, 
155, 156, 157, 159, 160, 242, 243, 244, 
245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 255, 
256, 285, 287, 288, 289, 335, 336, 338 
Historia de la Fundacion de Lima (1639). 
134 

Coleccion de Documentos ineditos sobre la 
Historia de Chile: 
Vol. VII. 
Exposicion de Hernan Jimenez acerca de 
las desavenencias de Pizarro y Almagro. 
135 
Anonymous : 

Conquista y Poblacion del Peru. 137, 
242, 334 
Vol. XII. 
Garcia de Villalon, Diego: 

Sobre restitucion de indios. 134 



gist, Vol. VI). 144, 148, 149, 154, 339 Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la 



Final Report, etc., Vol. II. 241, 243 

Basadre, Modesto: 

Los Lagos de Titicaca (in Boletin de la 
Sociedad Geografica de Lima, Tomo III). 
23, 24, 27 

Bertonio, P. Ludovico: 

Arte y Grammatica mvy copiosa de la 
Lengva Aymara (1603, Platzmann fac- 
simile 1879). 136 

Vocabulario en la Lengua Aymara (1612). 
142, 156, 159, 241, 242, 243, 244, 333, 
337 

Betanzos, Juan de: 

Suma y Narracion de los Yncas que los 
Indios Llamaron Capaccuna (published 
Madrid, 1880, written 1550). 30, 145, 



Historia de Espafia: 
Vol. I. 

Castro, Fray Cristobal de: 

Relacion y declaracion del modo que este 
valle de Chincha y sus comarcanos se 
gobernaban. etc., 1558. 256 
Vol. V. 

Pizarro, Pedro : 

Relacion del Descubrimiento y Conquista 
de los Reinos del Peru, 1571. 34, 35, 
140, 142, 146, 147, 149, 150, 153, 158, 
241, 252, 255, 256, 287, 331, 333, 334 

Samano, Juan de: 

Relacion de los primeros descubrimientos 
de Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Alma- 
gro, 1526. 129 



345 



346 



INDEX 



Vol. LXXI. 
San Martin, Fray Matias de: 

Parecer sobre el Escrtipulo de si son bien 
ganados los Bienes adquiridos por los 
Conquistadores. 24 
Coleccion oficial de Leyes, Decretos, Resolu- 
ciones etc. de la Republics Boliviana: 
Vol. I. 
Bolivar, Simon: 

Decreto, Cuzco, July 4, 1825. 143 
Vol. II. 
Santa Cruz, Andres de: 
Decreto. 143 
Coleccion de Documentos ineditos del Archivo 
de Indias: 
Vol. I. 
Betanzos, Juan de: 

Carta al Consejo real de Indias, 1539. 332 
Vol. II. 
Robles, Diego de: 

Memorial sobre el Asiento del Peru. 26 
Vol. III. 
Espinall, Manuel de: 

Relacion hecha al Emperador de lo succe- 
dido entre Pizarro y Almagro (1539). 135 
Valverde, Bishop Fray Vicente de: 

Carta al Emperador sobre asuntos de su 
iglesia y otros de la gobernacion general 
de aquel pais, 1539. 148 
Relacion de la Religion y Ritos del Peru, 
hecha por los primeros Religiosos Agus- 
tinos que alii pasaron para la conversion 
de los naturales. 154, 248, 256, 339 
Suarez de Carvajal, Ulan: 

Carta al Emperador, 1539. 286 
Vol. VII. 
Falcon, Licenciado: 

Representacion hecha en Concilio Pro- 
vincial sobre los dafios y molestias que 
se hacen a los Indios. 144 
Vol. XVII. 
Ondegardo, Polo de: 

Relacion de los fundamentos acerca del 
notable dano que resulta de no guardar 
a los Indios sus fueros. June 25, 1571. 
144, 153, 335 
Vol. XX. 
Almagro, Diego (the younger) : 

Acusacion contra Don Francisco Pizarro 
a S. M. 135, 286 
Vol. XXIV. 
Informacion de las Idolatrias de los Incas 
e Indios y de como se enterraban. 250 
Vol. XLII. 
Anonymous : 

Sucesos ocurridos en la conquista del 

Peru, antes de la llegada del Lycenciado 

La Gasca. 242 

Constituciones synodales del Arcobispado 

de los Reyes, en el Perv, 1613 (reprint of 

1722). 147, 156 

Constituciones synodales del Argobispado de 

los Reyes, en el Perv, 1636. 156 
Conway, Sir Martin: 

Notes on a Map of Part of the Cordillera 
Real of Bolivia, in Geographical Journal 
(1900). 28, 32, 33 
Cushing, Frank H. : 

Zuni Fetiches. 150, 154 

Espada, Marcos Jimenez de la: 

Tres Relaciones de Antigiiedades peruanas 

(Dedicatoria). 334, 337, 338 
Estete, Miguel de: 

La Relacion del Viaje que hizo el Senor 

Capitan Hernando Pizarro, etc. (seeXerez). 

252 



Fernandez, Diego: 

Primera y Segunda Parte de la Historia 

del Peru (1571, Lima 1876). 144 
Forbes, David: 

Report on the Geology of South America, 

1861. 55 

Garcia, Fray Gregorio: 

Origen de los Indios de el Nuevo Mundo 

(1729). 137, 332, 337 
Gomara, Francisco Lopez de: 

Primera y Segunda Parte de la historia 

general de las Indias hasta el afio de 1551 

(reprint by Vedia). 334 
Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Pedro: 

Historia de las guerras civiles del Perti, 

1544 to 1548. 24, 137, 150, 288, 333, 

334 



Herrera, Antonio de: 

Historia general de los Hechos de los Cas- 
tellanos, en las Tolas y la Tierra firme del 
Mar Oceano (1729). 135, 157, 337 

Hill, S. S.: 

Travels in Peru and Mexico (1860). 241 

Informacion de las Idolatrias de los Incas e 

Indios y de como se enterraban, 1571. 

250 
Informaciones acerca del Senorio y Gobierno 

de los Incas (published Madrid, 1882). 

157, 336 



Julian, Antonio : 

La Perla de la America, 1787. 



149 



Libro primero de Cabildos de Lima, 1888. 

250 
Lopez de Velazco, Juan: 

Geografia y Descripcion universal de las 

Indias (1571-1574, Madrid 1894). 137 
Lumholtz, Carl: 

Unknown Mexico. 241 

Melendez, Fray Juan: 

Tesoros Verdaderos de las Yndias, Historia 
de la Provincia de san Ivan del Perv del 
Orden de Predicadores, 1681. 26, 134 

Mendiburu, Manuel de: 

Diccionario Historico-Biografico del Perti. 
24, 26, 335, 339 

Mendoza, Fray Diego de: 

Chr6nica de la Provincia de S^ Antonio de 
Los Charcas del orden de uro seraphico 
P. S. Francisco, en las Indias Occidentales, 
Reyno del Peru, 1664. 36, 133 

Molina, Cristobal de: 

Fables and Rites of the Inca (Hakluyt 
Society). 145, 151, 245, 248, 249, 336 

Morales Figueroa, Luis de: 

Relacion de los Indios Tributarios que hay 
al presente en estos reinos y Provincias 
del Peru; Fecha por Mandado del Senor 
Marques de Canete, 1591-1596 (in Rela- 
ciones de los Vireyes del Peru). 26, 27 

Oliva, P. Anello: 

Historia del Peru y Varones Insignes en 

Santidad de la Compania de Jestis (1631). 

29, 136, 246, 289, 332, 338 
Orton, James: 

The Andes and the Amazon. 23 
Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fernandez de: 

Historia general y natural de Indias. 



INDEX 



347 



Madrid, 1850. 130. 
148, 252, 255, 331 



Edicion 1855. 141, 



Paz-Soldan: 

Atlas Geografico del Peru. 23 

Peralta Barnueva, Rocha y Benavides, Pedro 
de: 

Lima fundada o Conquista del Peru, 1732 
(edition of 1863). 331 

Piedrahita, Lucas Fernandez de: 

Historia general de las Conquistas del 
Nuevo Reyno de Granada. 1688. 148 

Pizarro, Hernando: 

Carta a la Audiencia de Santo Domingo, 
1533 (in Biblioteea de Autores espanoles, 
Vol. XIX). 252, 256 

Puente, Ygnacio la: 

Estudio Monografico del Lago Titicaca ; 
bajo su aspecto fisico e hist6rico (in Bole- 
tin de la Sociedad Geografica de Lima, 
Tomo I). 23, 28, 31, 32, 34, 55, 56 

Raimondi, A. : 

Elementos de Botanica Aplicada a la Medi- 
cina y la Industria, 1857. 34, 287 
Ramos Gaviian, Fray Alonzo: 

Historia de Copacabana (edited by Fray 
Rafael Sans, 1860). 26, 31, 33, 131, 135, 
136, 137, 144, 242, 244, 245, 246, 247, 
248, 249, 250, 251, 255, 256, 287, 289, 
290, 339 

Historia de Copacabana y de la Milagrosa 
Imagen de su Virgen (edited by Sans, 
1886). 27, 31, 33, 131, 136, 137, 155, 
159, 285, 287, 288, 289, 339, 340 
Historia del celebre y milagroso Santuario 
de la Ynsigne Ymagen de Nfa Sfa de 
Copacabana (original work, Lima, 1621). 
31, 339 
Relaciones Geograficas de Indias (edited by 
Marcos Jimenez de la Espada) : 
Vol. I. 

Antecedentes. 335 
Vol. II. 
Cabello de Balboa, P. Miguel: 

Orden y Traza para descubrir y poblar 
la tierra de los Chunchos y otras provin- 
cias, 1603. 339 
Description y relacion de la Ciudad de La 
Paz (1586). 33, 148, 151, 158, 288 
Ulloa Mogollon, Joan de: 

Relacion de la Provincia de los Colla- 
guas, etc., 1586. 138, 142, 242 
Relacion de la Provincia de los Pacajes, 
1586. 139, 147, 148, 241, 246 
Descripcion de la tierra del Reparti- 
miento de los Rucanas Antamarcas, 
1586. 144 
Vol. III. 
Bello Gayoso, Antonio: 

Relacion que enbio a mandar su Mages- 
tad se hiziese desta Ciudad de Cuenca y 
de toda su Provincia, 1581. 151 
Maldonado, Fray Juan de Paz: 

Relacion del Pueblo de Sant-Andres 
Xunxi. 151 
Relacion hecha por mi, Fray Geronimo de 
Aguilar, de la Dotrina y Pueblo de Caguas- 
qui y Quilca, etc., 1582. 151 
Rivero and Tschudi: 

Antiguedades peruanas (Atlas). 25 
AntigiJedades peruanas, 1851 (Text). 285 
Roman, Fray Hieronymo: 

Las Republicas del Mundo, 1595. 337 

Salcamayhua, Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti 
Yamqui : 



Relacion de Antiguedades deste Reyno del 
Pirti (published 1879) (in Tres Relaciones 
de Antiguedades peruanas). 31, 138, 156, 

242, 245, 337 
Sancho, Pedro: 

Relatione per Sua Maesta di qvel che nel 
conquisto & pacificatione di queste pro- 
uincie della nuoua Castiglia e successo, & 
della qualita del paese dopo che el Capitano 
Fernando Pizarro si parti & ritorno a sua 
Maesta: July 15, 1534 (in Ramusio, Vol. 
Ill, 1565). 130, 139, 241, 245, 246, 248, 
249, 250, 251, 255, 256, 285, 288, 289, 
331 

San Nicolas, Fray Andres de : 

Imagen de N. S. de Copacavana Portento 
del Nuevo Mundo Ya Conocida en Europa, 
1663. 26, 56, 136, 155, 244, 246, 247, 
251, 286, 288, 339 

Santillan, Fernando de: 

Relacion del Origen, Descendencia, Politica 
y Gobierno de los Incas (about 1565) (in 
Tres Relaciones de Antiguedades perua- 
nas). 147, 149, 150, 155 

Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro: 

Segunda parte de la Historia general 11a- 
mada Indica, la cual por mandado del 
excelentisimo sefior Don Francisco de To- 
ledo, virrey, gobernador, y capitan general 
de los reinos del Piru y mayordomo de la 
casa real de Castilla, compuso el capitan 
Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, 1572. 336 

Squier, E. G. : 

Peru, Incidents of Travel and Exploration 
in the Land of the Incas. 24, 55, 158, 

243, 244, 246, 248, 251, 285, 288 



Toledo, Francisco de: 

Carta al Consejo de Indias, 1572. 336 
Ordenanzas 1573 (in Ordenanzas del Peru, 
1752). 138, 145, 146, 147, 156, 241, 250, 
251 

Torres Rubio, P. Diego de: 

Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Quichua, 
edition 1754. 142, 242, 243, 249, 288, 
333, 334, 337 

Torres Saldamando, Enrique: 

Los Antiguos Jesuitas del Peru. 335, 336, 
337 

Tovar, Agustin: 

Lago Titicaca; observaciones sobre la dis- 
minucion progresiva de sus Aguas (in 
Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica, Tomo 
I). 31 

Tschudi, J. J. von: 

Peru, Reiseskizzen (1842). 32, 55 
Reisen durch Siid-Amerika, 1869. 148 
Die Kechua-Sprache, Worterbuch. 155, 337 



Vaca de Castro, Cristoval: 

Carta al Emperador, 1542 (in Cartas de 
Indias). 146 

Discurso sobre la Descendencia y Gobierno 
de los Ingas 1542 (published by Don Mar- 
cos Jimenez de la Espada). 297 

Vega, Garcilaso de la: 

Comentarios Reales de los Incas (Vol. I, 
1609). 30, 35, 136, 143, 144, 148, 150, 151, 
153, 154, 249, 250, 254, 255, 256, 286, 
287, 335, 336, 338 

Villagomez, Archbishop Pedro de: 

Exortacion contra la Idolatria del Peru 
(Lima, 1649). 156, 159, 160, 241 

Villagran, Gaspar Perez de: 

Historia de la Nueva Mexico, 1610. 147 



348 



INDEX 



Vizcarra, J. F. P.: 

W. T. Copacabana de los Incas Documentos 
Auto-linguisticos e isografiados del Aymaru- 
Aymara Protogonos de los Pre-americanos 
(La Paz, 1901). 132, 134, 135, 286, 287, 
339 



"Wiener, Charles : 

Perou et Bolivie, 1880. 



24, 28, 33, 285 



Xerez, Francisco de: 

Verdadera Relacion de la Conquista del 
Peru y Provincia del Cuzco, 1534 (reprint 
of 1891). 140, 242, 252, 256 



Zarate, Agustin de: 

Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista 
de la Provincia del Peru. 334 



INDEX TO 
MANUSCRIPT SOURCES IN THIS VOLUME 



Cabello de Balboa, P. Miguel: 

Miscelanea antarctica (austral). 339 
Cieza, Pedro de: 

Tercer Libro de las guerras civiles del 

Peru. 130 
Historia del Colegio de la Compafiia de Jesus 

de Arequipa y Reventazon del Volcan de 

Ornate, 1600. 161 
Libro de Cassados que perteneze a este pueblo 

de Tiaguanaco comienza a oeho de henero 

de 1694 As. 36, 144, 148. 
Matienzo, Joan de: 

Gobierno del Peru con todas las cosas per- 



tenecientes a el y a su historia (Lenox 
Library). 140 

Relacion de las mandas y limosnas que los 
vezinos y abitantes hizieron en la fundacion 
del dicho hospital (in Libro viejo de la 
fundacion de la gran ciudad del Cuzco). 
335 _ 

Testim YO de los Autos hechos Por el Juez 
de Nles_sobre la Planta de las Arboledas 
en el Trno de la Paroquia de San SebastN 
por comision del Ysigne Cauildo de la 
Dha Ciudad, 1590. 251 



GENERAL INDEX 



Abuses by political and ecclesiastical authori- 
ties, 70, 84 

Acclaguasi (Quichua, house of women), 273 

Accusations, unjust, against the Spaniards, 27 

Achacache, town, 70 

Achacache, Rio de, 9 

Achachila, 8, 33, 94, 98, 99, 100, 126, 141, 
145, 150, 154 

Aclla-huasi, definition of word, 288 

Acocagua, oracle at, 256 

Aconcagua, mountain in Chile, 24 

Acora, village, 5, 24, 26, 186 

Acosta, P. Joseph de, critical spirit displayed 
by, 316; sources of information, 316; crea- 
tion myth, 316, 317 

Agassiz, Alexandre, 31, 32 

Agassiz, Louis, 12 

Agricultural life on Island, 87 

Aguayo (see Llik'lla), 142 

Ahijadero, 167, 199, 200; dikes at, 199 

Airaguanca, village in province of Omasuyos, 
271 

Aji, red pepper, 95 

Akkamani, range, 7 

Alabaster at Charassani, 105 

Alcalde, Indian, 51, 82; functions, 82, 146 

Alcaldes, election of, 145 

Alcamari (see Chinalinda) , 47, 251 

Alcauiza, first chief of Cuzco, according to 
Betanzos, 305 

Alferez, church officer, 119 

Aliso (Almus acuminata), 224 

Aljiri (see Personal service), 78 

Almagro, Diego de (the older), 64 

Almagro, Diego de (the younger), 64, 266 

Alpine glow on the Andes of Bolivia, 7, 8 

Altarani, range, 7 

Amantani, island, 5 

Amazon River, 4 

American Museum of Natural History, 140, 
142 

Ananea, mountain, 7 

Anchancho, 93, 101 

Ancient costume of Aymara, 75 

Ancient pottery from Kasapata, 49 

Ancon, trephined skull at, 174, 175 

Ancoraymes, village, 13, 15, 46, 70, 87 

Andenes, terraced garden-beds, 5, 13, 14, 42, 
43, 47, 165, 224 

Andes, chain of the, 3, 7, 20 

Andesite, rock, in situ at Yampupata, etc., 218 

Animal intercessors, 101 

Animal life, on Lake Titicaca, 12 ; on Titicaca 
Island, 47 ; on Koati Island, 50 

Anzurez de Campo-redondo, Pedro, 63, 135 

Apachinanca, also Apachinaca, hamlet, 43, 
167 

Apachita, or Apacheta, ceremonials at, 99, 
153, 154 

Apingiiila, island, 13, 159, 228, 229, 250, 251 

Apingiiila and Pampiti, Inca remains said to 
exist on, 283 

Apotampo, father of Manco Capac, 318, 319 

Aran-Saya, 82, 119, 144 



Arcu-puncu, bay of, 227 

Arequipa, city and department of, 24, 32 ; 
date of foundation of, 135 

Aricaxa (see Larecaja), 135 

Armentia, Bishop Fray Nicolas, 327, 339 

Arnauan, 11 

Arriaga, P. Pablo Josef de, 156, 319, 320; 
biographical sketch, 337 

Artaun, or Lartaun, Sebastian de, Bishop of 
Cuzco, 311, 314 

Artificial drainage (see Inca andenes), 190 

Assay of golden plate (see Vizcarra), 286 

Atahualpa, Inca war chief, 228, 295, 307 

Atauhuallpa, 130 

Atmospheric currents on Lake Titicaca, 15 

Atun Collao, reported conquest of, by Mango 
Ynga Zapalla, 302 

Aucaypata, square on Titicaca Island, 279 

Augustine monks (see Copacavana Mission), 
137, 327 

Augustines, school of writers, 319 

Aullaga, village, 11 

Auqui-auqui dance at Llujo, 118 

Avendano, P. Hernando de, letters of, 320 

Ayanque (see Sandals), 138 

Ayar Mango (see Manco Capac), 306 

Ayaviri, Peru, 69 

Aygachi, bay of, 23 

Ayllos, seven, at Copacavana and Islands in 
1538-39, 134 

Ayllu, clans or gentes, 36, 81, 82, 86, 144, 
145, 154 

Ayllu Tiahuanaco at Coni, 82 

Ayllus, changes in names of, 145 

Aymard, language, 5, 6 

Aymara, primitive religious organization, 121 

Aymara and Quichua dances, great variety 
of, 108 

Aymara costume, men, 67 

Aymara customs of marriage, 147 

Aymara dancers, their devotion at sanctuary, 
111 

Aymara dances, symbolical, 107; general de- 
scription, 109 ; noisier and less dignified 
than Pueblo dances, 109; originally primi- 
tive ceremonials, 119 

Aymara fetishism, 94 

Aymara Indians, 13, 18, 19, 63, 64, 65, 67, 
94, 141; geological myths, 8, 10; character 
of, 19, 34, 50, 70, 76, 77, 87, 88, 109; 
segregation into tribes, 21; aversion to im- 
provements, 76, 99; careless and unclean, 
77; their preference for primitive tools; 
77; not serfs, 78; neglect of domestic ani- 
mals, 78 ; dishonesty towards landowners, 
79 ; nominally citizens, 79 ; obstacles to the 
study of, 118; mode of sleeping, 140 

Aymara music at dances, 110, 112 

Aymara superstitions about the dead, 118 

Aymaras, manner of weaving used by, 233 

Ayo-ayo, village, and massacre at, 149 

Bailey, Prof. S. G., 24, 33 

Balsa, 12, 13, 15, 32, 34, 47, 52, 68, 70, 179 



349 



350 



INDEX 



Bandelier, Mrs. Ad. P., 17, 46, 68, 125, 170 

Banquitos of Sonora and Chihuahua in Mex- 
ico, 171 

Baptism, 84 

Barley, 18 

Batan, grinding-slab, 71, 72, 186 

Beans, 18, 34 

Belalcazar, Sebastian de, 63, 135 

Betanzos, Juan de, 297, 298, 303, 317, 326; 
Doctrina chripstiana and vocabularies writ- 
ten by, 297, 332 ; early traditions of Incas 
and Aymaras, 297 

Bloodshed during Aymara dances, 114 

Bola (see Lliui), 35, 242 

Bolivia, Republic of, 3, 4, 7, 19 

Boundary line between Peru and Bolivia, 23 

Brujo (see Medicine-men, Sorcerers, Sha- 
mans), 120 

Buddleya, wild olive tree, 18, 49 

Building-sites of Indians, 81 

Burial customs at Tiahuanaco, 85 

Burial sites on Island, mostly Chullpa, 166 

Burials, 85 

Cabbage, 18 

Cabello Balboa, Miguel, on Titicaca Island, 
316; Miscelanea austral, 316 

Cacha, ruins at, 193, 236 

Cachamarca, 11 

Cacique, office abolished by Bolivar, 1825, 145 

Cajamarca, house of Atahualpa, 193 

Cajamarca, town, 133, 134, 236, 252; oracle 
at, 256 

Calancha, Pray Antonio de la, 11, 12, 66, 
212, 213, 232, 261, 268, 271, 273, 286, 
328; biographical sketch of, 339; creation 
myth according to Ondegardo, 328 

Callahuaya, traveling shaman, 103, 104, 105, 
155 

Callahuaya costume, 104 

Calvario, summit, 44, 46, 103, 176, 203, 214 

Calzon, trousers of Aymaras, 142 

Calzon (see Costume of Aymara Indians, 
male), 75 

Camara, Francisco de la, 134 

Campanario, island, 13 

Campos, subordinate Indian officials, 82 

Canchon de los Bailes de los Incas, court at 
Chicheria, Koati, 273, 288 

Cannibalism among Aymara Indians, 35, 127 

Cannibals of the Amazonian basin, 21 

Cantuta, shrub, 18, 34, 47 

Capac-Raymi, 278 

Capachica, peninsula, 4, 24 

Capactocco, appearance of son of the Sun at 
cave of, 326 

Carabaya, Andes of, 7, 9, 28, 43 

Carabaya, river confounded with Lake Titi- 
caca, 130 

Carabuco, village, 3 

Carboniferous rocks on Titicaca and penin- 
sula of Copacavana, 45 

Carbuncle, fabulous cat (see Titi), 102, 155 

Cards and coca used for divining, 121 

Cari, Indian chief said to have come from 
Coquimbo, Chile, 300 

Carnival on Island, 96 

Carpio, Dr. W. del, 50, 123, 272 

Carved slab from Ticani, 185 

Casas, Bartolome de las, 132 

Catari, supposed Indian chronicler, 323, 324 

Catechism taught by Indian, 88 

Catholic teachings, influence on Indian lore, 
315 

Cavalluni, mountain, 6 

Cavana, Indians of, 138 

Caxas, Sierra de, 252 



Cayocache, near Poquen-Cancha, 313 

Centipedes (see My gale), 155 

Ceremonial when lightning strikes building, 

100 
Ceremonial objects concealed by Indians, 70 
Ceremonials, primitive, in house-building, 94, 

95, 96 
Cerro de Montezuma, Chihuahua, 189 
Cervantes, Dr. Bartolome, of Sucre (Char- 

cas), 323, 324 
Chaca-na-ni, Indian dances, 113, 116, 117, 

122 
Chachapoyas, on peninsula of Copacavana, 

137, 282 
Chachapoyas Indians, 67, 137, 138 
Chacu-ayllu, or Chokela, Indian dance, 35, 103 
Chacu-ayllu, rain dance, 118 
Challa, bay of, 43, 44, 45, 47 
Challa, garden of, with Inca ruins, 183 
Challa, hacienda, 16, 18, 45, 46, 51, 52, 54, 

56, 69, 79, 88, 89, 93, 105, 106, 117, 140, 

183 
Challa, isthmus of, 44, 176, 178, 189 
Challa, large stones at and near by, 233 
Challa Pata, height, 16, 43, 46, 176, 178 
Chama-kani, 125, 161 
Champi, 312 

Champu-Uaya, inlet, 43, 176 
Chani, promontory of, 13 

Charassani, mountains of (see Carabaya, An- 
des of), 43, 55, 214 
Charassani, village, 7, 142, 155, 242 
Charchani, mountain, 24 
Chavin de Huantar, Huanuco, silver-leaf on 

ancient altar of, 287 
Chayllpa, group of Indian dancers, 35, 103, 

113, 117, 122 
Chayllpa costume, 103, 113 
Cheese-making on Titicaca, 52 
Chicha (Chicca), 62, 71, 112, 156, 209, 232 
Chicheria (on Koati), analogy with Kasapata 

ruins, 274; landing-place and tambo for 

visitors from Titicaca, 274, 280, 281; ruins 

at, 273, 274, 281 
Chicheria Pata (on Koati), 273, 274 
Chij-chi (Aymara for hail), 35 
Chililava, bay, 14, 34 

Chililaya, port, 9, 10, 16, 187; ruins at, 184 
Chilleca, island, 14 
Chillu, cherty marl, 208 
Chinalinda (see Alcamari), 47, 251 
Chincana, 190; rude mosaic floor at, 230; 

ruins, 217, 220, 221, 222, 224, 225, 230, 

231, 232, 234, 255, 265, 273; spring at, 

224; walls of defence, 223; watch-tower 

at, 223 
Chirihuana, Governor of the Indians of Chu- 

cuito, 136, 300 
Chirihuanos, ancient Indian dancing society, 

110, 113, 117; highest group of dancers, 

123 
Choka, water-hen (Fulica), 12, 47 
Chonta, hoe, 77, 180 
Chua, bowl or saiicer, 141 
Chua, hacienda, 15 
Chua-chua-ni, 33 

Chucara, a name for Tiahuanaco, 326 
Chucaripu, 189, 215, 217, 226, 229, 230; 

Inca andenes at, 226; myth of coca-planta- 
tion by Incas, 227 
Chucaripu-pata, ruins, 221, 225, 226, 232, 

249, 250, 251 
Chuco (see Lluchu), 73, 142 
Chucos (see Lluchu), 73, 175 
Chucuito, lagune, 4, 6, 9 
Chucuito, promontory, 4 
Chucuito, province of, 136 



INDEX 



351 



Chucuito, province of Dominican Order, 26 

Chucuito, village, 5, 24, 300 

Chuju, island, 13, 44, 53 

Chullpa, definition of name, 241 

Chullpa andenes, 167, 168 

Chullpa burials, 176 

Chullpa dwellings, 187 

Chullpa remains, on Bolivian mainland, 186 ; 
on Island, not all from before 1534, 239 

Chullpa ruins, 165, 167, 175, 176; distribu- 
tion of, on Titicaca, 184 

Chullpa type of pottery, 166, 184 

Chullpas, 5, 24, 27, 143; dress of, 186, 241 
fishing implement used by them, 185 ; on 
Titicaca, legend of their destruction, 295 
work in metal by, 186 

Chullun-Kayani, 189, 234; crest of, 42, 189 
ruins on, 236 

Chunchos, 104 

Chunchu-Sicuri, Indian dancers, 110, 113 

Chufiu, 21, 36, 52 

Churu, or Churi, snails used as rattles, 157, 174 

Chuspa, or Chhuspa, bag, 142 

Cieza, Pedro de, 11, 73, 236, 254, 303, 317, 
326, 327 

Cieza de Le6n, Pedro de, 62, 65, 175, 186; 
criticism of his works, 299; traditions 
about Titicaca Island, 237, 299, 300 

Ciracuna, needle, 77 

Ciria-Pata, 52, 97, 144, 176, 177, 179, 182, 
186 ; ancient graves excavated at, 179, 180, 
181, 259, 269; antiquities found at, 180; 
Chullpa ruins at, 178 ; Inca ruins at, 170, 
177, 182, 274; peculiar pebbles found near, 
230 

Clans on Titicaca, 82 

Clay bases for vessels, 209 

Climate of basin of Lake Titicaca, 16, 20 

Cloths painted by Incas, paintings said to 
have been historical, 313, 314 

Coa (see Chonta), 77 

Coal on Titicaca and at Yampupata, 45 

Coana, island, 14 

Coast-people, Peruvian, 5 

Coast-range, 6 

Coata, or Coyata (Koati), 261, 269, 286 

Cobo, P. Bernabe, 63, 71, 72, 73, 175, 212, 
217, 219, 221, 224, 227, 232, 234, 239, 
261, 268, 269, 272, 273, 278, 282, 313, 
314, 320, 327; biographical sketch of, 320; 
five distinct creation myths related by, 321, 
322 ; myths of origin of the sun related by, 
323; procession of idols described by, 279; 
statement about Koati, 266 

Coca, 87, 90, 95, 96, 97, 148; geographical 
extent of use of, 148 

Cochabamba, Bolivia, 323 

Cochi-pachi, bird feared by Indians, 102 

Coffee, 87 

Cojata, island, 187 

Colla, 309 

Collaguas, Indians of, 138 

Collao, burials in district of, 186 

Collao, province, 29, 30, 35, 64, 147, 175 

Collas, 175 

Collasuyo, province of, 298 

Collca-Pata, 176, 177, 182; burials at, 176 

Collcas, storage structures, 289 

Combustible (see Tdquia), 20 

Comida de Oso (see Kara), 46 

Communal hunts (Chacu), 35 

Communal tenure of lands, 80, 86 

Communidad, tribe, 83, 144 

Compensations to Indians in special cases, 79 

Compi, hacienda, 14 

Condor-konona, ruin, 55 

Condor-o-ua-ua-cha-ue, summit, 43 



Confession, part of primitive Indian ceremo- 
nial, 238, 247 

Conquista y Poblacion del Peru, 305 

Cons (see Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Pedro 
de), 302, 303, 333 

Contents of house controlled by woman, 86 

Con Tici Viracocha (see Betanzos), 298, 302 

Con Titi Viracocha (see Betanzos), 299 

Conway, Sir Martin, ascent of Illimani by, 33 

Cooking vessels, 70 

Copacati, idol on peninsula of Copacavana, 283 

Copacavana, idol thus called, 279, 283 

Copacavana, mission, 6, 26, 84, 136 

Copacavana, peninsula, 4, 7, 9, 10, 13, 14, 
15, 34, 41, 45, 56, 65, 73, 89, 91, 126, 
137, 188; Inca ruins on, 281; reported 
connection with Inca ceremonials on Titi- 
caca, 238; rock seals on, 282 

Copacavana, sanctuary of, 13, 92, 109, 267 

Copacavana, village, 15, 16, 42, 50, 51, 52, 
63, 79, 84, 106, 116, 119, 132, 133, 135, 
136; decoration of square at festival, 111; 
effigies of Sun-father and Moon-mother at, 
279; fairs at, 70, 92; Inca vestiges at, 282 

Cordillera Real, 3, 7, 8 

Cormorant (see Cuervo), 48, 54 

Corregidor of Copacavana, 84 

Costly costumes of Morenos, 116 

Costume of Aymara Indians (male), 73 

Costume of Aymara women, 74 

Cotana, hacienda, 33 

Council of old men, supreme authority among 
Indians, 83 

Coya, 261, 286 

Coyani, inlet, 43, 176 

Creation of Sun and Moon at Tiahuanaco, 11 

Crops, time of planting and harvesting, 87 

Cross of Carabuco, 328 

Crucero Alto, 4 

Crucifixes, 70 

Cruz, Fray Francisco de la, 134 

Cuervo (see Cormorant), 48 

Culture-plants, on Islands of Titicaca and 
Koati, 19; on Koati, 50; on Titicaca 
Island, 52 

Cumana, island, 14 

Cumbi, species of cloth, 249 

Cumbi, or Pampacona, 142 

Curva, village, 155 

Gushing, F. H., 94, 101, 108, 117, 124 

Cusijata, hacienda, objects for evil sorcery 
found at, 106 

Cusijata, Inca remains at, 281; stone tank 
at, 289 

Cuy (see Guinea-pigs), 52; used in Indian 
sorcery, 102 

Cuzco, city of, 61, 63, 64, 135, 195, 236, 
254; blockade of, by Indians, 63, 64 

Cuzco, department of, 9; Indians of, 22, 81; 
influence on artefacts, 5 

Cuzco, type of pottery, 24, 27, 166 

Dancers divided into two principal groups 

(Aran-saya and Ma-saya), 119 
Deluge, in Indian traditions, 311, 315 
Desaguadero, channel, 9, 10, 11, 26, 28, 36 
Desaguadero, human sacrifice near, 244 
Destruction of ruins by Indians, 182 
Discretion used by Indians in relating an- 
cient lore, 310 
Discurso sobre la Descendencia y Gobierno de 
los Ingas, 1542 (Una Antigualla peruana, 
1892), 331, 332 
Diseases of the Aymara Indians, 68 
Diseases, pulmonary, 138 

Disposition of property after death among 
Indians, 86 



352 



INDEX 



Distribution of lands annually, 80, 144 

Dius (see God), 92 

Divers (Podiceps), 12, 47 

Divining by means of coca-leaves, 126 

Dogs barking, evil presage, 102 

Domestic animals on Titicaca, 52 

Domestic fowl, birds of ill omen, sometimes, 102 

Dominican Friars, 6 

Doors, low, 72, 76 

D'Orbigny, Alcide, 45, 55 

Dreams of sorcerers, 98 

Drunkenness of Indians on festivals, 112, 156 

Duefias, Bartolome de, reports by, 320 

Duho, or Duo, 140 

Dun, Alexander, 55 

Dwellings of the Indians, 68, 86 

Eagles, 47 

Earth an Achachila also, 96 

Ecclesiastical authorities for Island, 81 

Eclipse, lunar, 149 

Ecuador, 63 

Eggs of aquatic birds, eaten by Indians, 53 

Embarcadero (see Tampupata), 65 

Encomiendas at Copacavana, 63, 134 

Escobari, Father M., 36 

Escobari, Macario, 32 

Esoteric orders among Indians, 35 

Esoteric societies, probable among Aymaras, 

123; in ancient Mexico, 124; on Titicaca 

Island, 293 
Espada, Marcos Jimenez de la, 145, 318 
Espinall, Manuel de, 64 
Estancia (see Comunidad), 144 
Eucalyptus trees on Koati, 50 
Evaporation on Lake Titicaca, 28 
Evil omens, belief in, 101 
Evil sorcery punished among Aymaras, 127 
Evil spirits (devils), 85, 93 
Exchange of cultivated plots among Indians, 81 
Ezcoma, village, 15 

Falb, Rudolph, 33 

Fetish, at Kea-Kollu Chico (Mullu), 174; 

of Indian corn, etc., for evil purposes, 106 
Fetishes, Indian, 9, 94, 153 ; of black stone 

for evil sorcery, 105 ; sold by Callahuayas, 

105; dressed in cloth (see Cobo), 272 
Fetus of pig in witchcraft, 95 
Firearms among Indians, 90 
Fire-signals during Indian insurrection, 89 
Fishes in Lake Titicaca, 12, 48 
Fishing in Lake Titicaca, 21 
Fishing spears, 243 

Flattening of the forehead, artificial, 67, 167 
Fletcher, Miss Alice, 108 
Flint flakes found at Ciria-Pata, 181 
Flood myth at Tiahuanaco, 11 
Fossil plants, carboniferous, 45 
Fountain of the Ynca (so called), 14, 42, 

190, 197, 199 
Fox in Aymara lore, 102 
Furniture of Indian houses, 69-76 

Gallo, 69, 72, 78 

Gamboa, Fray Francisco de, 133 

Gamero, Don Enrique, 25 

Garces, Don Miguel, collection of antiquities 

by, 27, 32, 53, 56, 57, 166, 220, 221, 225, 

227, 232 
Garces, family of, 51 
Garcia, Fray Gregorio, 66, 317 
Garcia Cuadrado, Alonso, report of, 320 
Garcia Cuadrado, Licenciado, 26 
Garden near Challa, of Spanish origin, 18, 

190, 203 
Geme, measure, 77 



Genoveva, St., story of, 296 

Gentile organization on Island, 81 

Gentiles, destruction of, 10 

God, Indian conception of, 92 

Gold and silver offerings, 129 

Gold and silver on Islands, 63, 166 

Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, traditions re- 
corded by, 304; work of, 304 

Gomera, Count de la, Governor of Chucuito, 
66, 137 

Grape-brandy, libations, 97 

Groups of dancers on Titicaca Island, 122 

GuanacOj 20, 35 

Guarachi, family of, 51, 52 

Guayan, island on the coast of Ecuador, said 
by Oliva to have been birthplace of Manco 
Capac, 325 

Guinea-pigs (see Cuy), 52, 53, 69, 72, 140 

Gulls, 12 

Gutierrez, Jose Rosendo, 28 

Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Pedro de, 65, 299, 
302 

Hacha-Tata, principal shaman, 160 

Hacienda buildings on Puna, 72 

Hailstones, 35, 93 

Hanan-Cuzco, 82 

Handwheel-boat, loaned at Puno, 57 

Hanko-Kunu, mountain (see Eilampi), 32 

Hanko-uma (see Illampu), 3, 8, 13, 28, 32 

Hatun Colla (see Cieza), 306 

Hatun-Kolla, 65, 333; ruins, 24 

Herrera, Antonio de, 317 

Heye, George G., collection of, 140 

Hilacata (see Ilacata), 145 

Hila-Llampu (see Illampu), 32 

Hilampi, peak of the Sorata group, 13, 32 

Hila-umani (see Illimani), 8, 33, 276 

Hog, domestic, imported from Europe, 140 

Hostia, stolen for witchcraft practices, 92, 93 

Huaca (Quichua, see Machula), 151, 190 

Huacas of Peru (see Achachila), 100 

Huachua (see Huallata), 56 

Huaicho, village, 13, 15, 28, 121 

Huaicho, Indian magic derived from, 294 

Huallata, Puna-goose, 48, 56 

Huamachuco, oracle at, 256 

Huanaco (see Tiahuanaco) , 312 

Huancane, town, 41 

Huancane, village, 4 

Huaqui, port, 4 

Huarina, bay, 14, 17, 34 

Huarina, village, 16, 36 

Huascar, Inca war-chief, 213, 228, 295; 

killed bv order of Atahuallpa at Antamarca, 

Peru, 331 
Huata, peninsula, 13 
Huatajata, hamlet of, 15 
Huayna Capac, Inca war-chief, 159, 228, 250, 

251, 289, 295, 314 
Huayna Potosi (see Karka-Jaque, also Ka-Ka- 

a-Ea), 7, 27 
Human sacrifices, among Incas, 185, 228, 

244; described by Ramos, 205; since the 

conquest, 244 
Hurin-Cuzco, 82 
Huyustus, mythical chief at Tiahuanaco, 326, 

339 

lea, Peru, 325 

Ichhu, Puna-grass, 78, 143 

Idolatrous practices continued on the Islands, 

66 
Ilacata, 51, 79, 82; functions, 82; religious 

duties of, 95 
Have, village, 3, 6, 15, 25, 26; monoliths 

near, 25 



INDEX 



353 



Ulampu (see HanJco-TJma), 3, 8, 32, 42, 43, 
276; altitude (see Comday), 32; wor- 
shiped as Achachila, 276 

Illescas, Diego de, 63, 132 

Illimani, 3, 8, 9, 14, 33, 55, 82, 168, 275, 
276; attempts at ascension of, 33; ruins 
near snow-line, 184; slopes, burials in, 187 

Illpa, lagune, 32 

Imitation of plumes in metal, found on 
Koati, 288 

Inca andenes, 168, 190; on Titicaca, 188 

Inca artefacts, 166 

Inca buildings on Titicaca, their general char- 
acter, 189 

Inca ceremonial on Titicaca, 278 

Inca chronology not reliable until after Tupac- 
Yupanqui, 288 

Inca names at Copacavana, 282 

Inca remains between Copacavana and Cacha 
in Peru, 283 

Inca ruins, 165 ; distribution of, on Titicaca, 
187 

Inca settlement on Titicaca, approximate date 
of, 246 

Inca trails on Titicaca, 189 

Inca tribe of Cuzco, 187 

Incan-taqui, Inca road, 216 

Incas, 14, 24, 27, 65, 81, 143, 151; origin 
of, according to Garcilasso de la Vega, 308 

Inca-sicuri, Indian dancers, 113, 123 ; dra- 
matic performance of, 115 

Incense in ceremonials, 94 

Indian authorities on Titicaca Island, 51 

Indian creation myth influenced by Christian 
ideas, 334 

Indian dances, originally symbolic, 157; ety- 
mology of names, 159 

Indian governors (see Ilacata), 83 

Indian hospital at Cuzco, founded in 1557, 
311, 314 

Indian hunting, 20 

Indian insurrection of 1780-81, 24 

Indian intemperance a primitive feature, 108 

Indian medicine-men partly sincere in their 
beliefs, 126 

Indian servants and journeymen, 78 

Indian traditions, 30 

Indian uprising of 1780-81, 33, 66, 83, 91, 
149 

Indian voting in Bolivia, Peru, and Mexico, 
79 

Indian women on Titicaca, 67 

Indians, 6, 19; Catholics, 91; inclination to 
return to primitive creed, 91; interest in 
outside matters, 89 ; moneyed wealth hid- 
den, 90 ; not affected by beauty of scenes, 
8, 20, 34, 196; renters, 78; struck by 
lightning made medicine-men, 120 

Indians of Titicaca, 61, 87; physical appear- 
ance, 67 

Indians on Puna, seemingly indigent, 89, 90 

Inga-Re (Incas), tradition about the, 294, 
295 

Ingas (see Zdrate), 303 

Initiation into esoteric societies, 124 

Insects on Titicaca Island, 49 

Inti-Kala, rock seats in Copacavana, 282 

Intipuncu, 234 

Invocations at Tinea, 97 

Ifiak-Uyu, ruin on Koati, 259, 260, 262, 268, 
269, 272, 273, 277, 285, 289; analogy with 
Pilco-Kayma, 275, 280; andenes at, 262; 
animal figures of stone found at, 270; com- 
parison with Inca ruins on Titicaca, 274, 
275; curious court at, 264; erroneously 
called "Temple of the Moon," 260, 261; 
gold and silver figures found at, 270; 



human head of stone found at, 270; Inca 
artefacts found at, 270; large doorways 
and niches at, 263 ; lozenge-shaped niche at, 
264; passageways at, 265; possibly two 
stories, 264; stone pipes found at, 270, 271 

Inak-Uyu, summit on Titicaca, 16, 44, 46, 
176 

Inak-Uyu and Pilco-Kayma, probably shrines 
of Achachilas of Sorata peaks, 280 

Irma (see Pachacamac), 277 

Irpa, dancing master, 118, 158 

Itan-pata, 215 

Jaguar (see Uturuncu), 156 

Jaguar-skins worn by dancers, 103, 110, 113 

Jars, ancient, 71 

Jauja, oracle at, 256 

Javali, indigenous wild boar, 140 

Jesuits, Order cf, 26; school of writers, 319 

Jillimani (see Illimani), 33 

Juli, Convent of San Pedro Martir de, 26 

Juli, village, 6, 15, 26, 327; blocks from 

Koati used for church at, 262 
Juliaca, Peru, 69 

Ka-Ka-a-Ka (see Huayna Potosi), 27, 276 

Kakayo-Kena, ridge of, 42, 43, 44, 52, 183, 
188, 189, 217, 226, 234, 235 

Kalaki, stone towers at, 243 

Kalich-Pata, ruin, 262, 264, 269, 272; Chullpa 
burials at, 269, 270, 271 

Kara (see Comida de Oso), 46, 168, 214 

Karka-Jaque (see Huayna Potosi, also Ka-Ka- 
a-Ka), 7, 276 

Kasapata, animal bones and metallic artefacts, 
207, 209, 210; animal heads on jars, 207; 
artificial tank at, 211; azurite beads found 
at, 209; batanes at, 209; burials at, 209, 
228; excavations at, 206; Inca pottery at, 
207; Inca settlement at, 213, 214; isthmus 
and ruins of, 44, 96, 140, 166, 183, 203; 
large stones brought from, 233, 234; so- 
called Temple of the Sun at, 203, 208, 213, 
245 ; so-called Temple of the Sun a tambo, 
213, 216, 246, 255, 274, 281; stepping- 
stones at, 204 

Kea, bay of, 43, 46 

Kea, promontory and settlement, 44, 51, 88, 
169, 172, 176 

Kea-Kollu, height, 42, 43, 45, 69, 89, 168, 
171, 177, 199, 200; burial sites at, 170; 
Inca ruins at, 170, 177, 274; ruins at, 169 

Kea-Kollu Chico, 200 ; accumulation of hu- 
man remains on slope of, 173 ; artefacts 
found at, 173, 184, 270; definition of 
name, 241 ; remains said to be Chullpa, 
174, 176, 186; ruins of, 56, 168, 171, 172, 
175 202 

Kenaicho (see Kena-Jcena), 113, 116, 117, 123 

Kena-kena, group of dancers, 103 

Kena-kena, pan-flute of Aymara Indians, 112 

Kenata, island, 44, 53, 54 

Kenua (Polylepsis), 18, 46, 49, 190, 203 

Kenuani, 198 

Kere, hearth, 70, 141 

Kero, cups, 180, 185 

Keuti-puncu, 216, 217, 234 

Kitchen, 69 

Kitchen implements, 70 

Kitchen vegetables, 18 

Koa, island, 13, 28, 53, 54 

Koati, island, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20, 28, 
41, 42, 44, 49, 50, 51, 57, 62, 64, 66, 135, 
137, 188, 259, 276, 278, 322; ancient wall 
on crest, 260, 273; andenes on, 260; ani- 
mal figures from, 48, 56, 270; approximate 
ancient population of, 281; became known 



354 



INDEX 



through the Incas, 240; called "Island of 
the Moon," 237; Chullpa burials on, 259, 
275; Chullpa remains on, 259; desultory 
excavations on, 266; Inca buildings poste- 
rior and accessory to those on Titicaca, 
275; names of local fetishes (Achachilas) 
on, 285 ; pilgrimage to, under the Incas, 
280; possible etymology of name, 286; pro- 
nunciation of word, 286; secluded women 
on, 277; statue said to have existed at, 
239, 261, 266; visited in 1618, 268 

Kochi, island (see Kuji-huata), 44, 53, 54, 
217, 226 

Kona, andenes at, 183, 184, 234; Inca ruins 
at southern, 188, 200, 234; large niches at, 
235 

Kona, northern bay of, 43, 44, 45, 189, 217, 
225 226 234 

Kona, 'southern bay of, 43, 45, 47, 48, 234 

Koropuna, mountain, 24, 32 ; oracle at, 256 

Kuji-huata (see Kochi), 53, 217 

Kunu-Kollu, Aymara name for snowy moun- 
tains, 9 

Kunurona (see Santa Rosa), 23, 214 

Kupanita, ruin, 55 

Kurupata, ruins at, 201, 202, 222, 225, 259, 
273 

Kurupata, summit, 43, 167, 200 

La Paz, city of, 3, 28, 52, 55, 73, 79, 87, 

110, 116, 132 
La Raya, source of the Amazon, 23, 28 
Lands, cultivated for Indians, 81; cultivated 

for landowners, 81 
Larecaja (see Sorata), 135 
Larpata, disease of children, 125 
Lauassani, island, 13, 44, 53, 54 
Lavanderani, range, 7 
Lay-ka, Indian medicine-man, sorcerer, etc., 

120, 124, 159 ; witchcraft ceremonials of, 

120 
Leke-leke, also Lliclli, 48 
Libations of alcohol and wine, 99 
Lightning strokes, 16 
Like-Like, rocky point of, 168 
Lima, city of, 134 
Limbo, 93 

Limonite at Kakayo-Kena, 45 
Llalli-Sivi-Pata (see Santa Barbara), 43 
Llama, 21, 129 

Llama fetus in witchcraft, 95, 96 
Llama tallow in witchcraft, 95, 96, 97 
Llaq'aylli, projection of land, 44, 183, 203, 

204, 211, 212 
Llik'lla (cloth), 95, 142 
Lliui, or Ayllu (see Bola), 35, 179, 184 
Lloque Yupanqui, Inca war-chief, 138 
Lluchu, woolen cap, 73 
Llujo, hacienda of, 8, 33, 41, 55, 89, 118, 

168 
Locca, Inca ruins at, 27, 281 
Lopez de Velasco, Juan, 66 
Lupaca, branch of the Aymara Indians, 65 

Machula (see Paccarina and Achachila), 145, 

150, 190 
Maize, 16, 18, 21 
Maker of all created things, called by Indians 

Ticiviraco'cha or Tupaca, Arnauan or Ara- 

nauan (see Cieza), 301 
Mallqui Amaya, ruins, 5, 24 
Mamaconas (see Secluded women), 254, 255 
Mamani Manuel, Unya-siri of Challa, and 

medicine-man, 97, 98, 105, 106, 121, 122, 

125, 205 
Mama-Ojlia, ruins, 190, 216, 221, 231, 274 
Mama-Ojllia, mother of the sun, 294 



Manco Capac, 294, 295, 306, 309, 311, 312, 

316, 317, 318, 321, 322, 324, 326, 329 
Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo, legend of, 310 
Man-eating stones believed in, 181 
Mango Ynga Zapalla (see Gutierrez de Santa 

Clara), 302 
Map of Titicaca basin, 1573, 65 
Maracci, P. Hippolyto, 329, 339 
Marcuni, 52, 176; ruins at, 182 
Maria Ka and Mama Chocuayllo, legendary 

women on Titicaca Island, 295 
Mariscal, Pray Juan, Francisco, 106 
Markham, Sir Clement R., 311 
Marriage customs, 84 
Ma-Saya, 82, 119, 144 
Mass on Island, 93 

Mate, gourd or squash, used in trephining, 174 
Matthews, Dr. Washington, 108 
Maul of stone for clod-breaking, 77 
Maynuani, bay, 44 
Mayordomo, overseer, 79, 93 
McKie, Charles Paul, 131 
Medicinal plants on Island of Titicaca, 125 
Medicine-men (see Shamans), 94, 97; their 

organization and degrees of rank, 122, 126 
Meetings, general, of Indians, 83, 89 
Mendez, Abel, 57, 89 
Metate (see Batdn), 71 
Meteorological phenomena also considered 

Achachilas, 100 
Mimula, ancient dance, 115, 122, 123, 158 
Minchm, John, 28 
Misti, volcano, 24, 161 

Mit'ani {see Personal service), 78, 79, 143 
Mitimaes at Kasapata, 212 
Mitla (Mexico), 193 

Modes of subsistence in pre-Spanish times, 20 
Mohoza, village, and massacre at, 149 
Molina, Diego de (see Oviedo), 252 
Molina, P. Cristoval de, report on rites and 

fables of the Incas by, 311, 314; main 

source for his writings, 314; traditions 

about Titicaca Island, 315; companion of 

Almagro, 1539, 334 
Montezuma story from New Mexico, 296 
Montoya, Juan Jose, Indian of Cochiti, New 

Mexico, 331 
Moon as a fetish (see Sun), 94 
Moquegua, village, 6 

Morenos, comic dancers, Mestizos, 116, 158 
Mortars, 71; stone, 186 
Mountain view from Yumani, 55 
Muchu, Mariano, preste of Challa, 119, 121 
Mullu, fetish of white alabaster, 97, 98, 100, 

103, 105; found at Ticani, 105 
Mulu-mulu (see Titi), 47 
Munecas, province of, 104, 155 
Muro-Kato, crest, 44, 176, 190, 214, 215, 

216, 217, 221, 225, 226, 227, 229, 230, 

234, 246 ; silver mask found at, 225 
Musical instruments at eclipses, 149 
Mygale (spider), 155 
Myth of coca-planting on Island, 91 
Mythical animal in Lake Titicaca, 32, 48, 56, 

57, 102 

Nation, W„ 32, 56 

Navigation on Lake Titicaca, restrictions upon, 

19 
Needles of copper and bronze (see Yauri), 77 
Nicaragua, 141 

Niches and ornaments in houses, 69 
Niches in Inca buildings on Titicaca, 235 
Night-herons, 47 
Nizza, Fray Marcos de, 133, 134 

Obligations of Indians towards landowners, 78 



INDEX 



355 



Obsidian, 180 

Oca, 18 

Ocampo, Don Antonio de, 174, 175 

Officers of New Mexican pueblos, 84, 86 

Official investigations into Indian antiquities, 
1571, 311 

Official search for treasure, 1617, 267 

Ojota (see Sandals), 138 

Oliva, P. Anello, 232, 328; analogy of his 
writings with those of Miguel Cabello Bal- 
boa, 326; myths concerning Manco Capac 
and Titicaca Island, 325 ; review of his 
book, 323, 324, 325, 326; tradition of 
original peopling of South America begin- 
ning in Venezuela, 325 ; traditions about 
Tiahuanaco, 326 

Omasuyos, province of, 137 

Ondegardo, Polo de, 311, 314, 328; investi- 
gations by, 328 

Opata Indians of Sonora, 103 

Origin of present Indians on Titicaca proba- 
bly modern, 67 

Ornate, eruption of, 161 

Ostrich, American (Rhea americana), plumes 
of, 158 

Our Lady of Copacavana, patron saint of 
Island, 92 

Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fernandez de, 236, 
237, 296 

Owl, bird of evil omen, 101 

Pacarec Tampu, definition of name by Gar- 

cilasso, 309 
Pacaritambo, near Cuzco, supposed place of 

origin of Incas, 297, 312, 316, 317, 323, 

322, 326; tradition about (see Betanzos), 

306 
Paccarina (see Achachila), 141, 145, 150, 

154, 190 
Pacha ayre, 93 
Pachacama (see Gutierrez de Santa Clara), 

302, 303, 333 
Pachacamac (Quichua), 149; house of se- 
cluded women at, 252, 277; oracle at, 256 
Pachacuti Yupangui, Inca war-chief (see 

Painted boards), 313 
Pachayachachic (see Ticiviracocha) , 321 
Painted boards (see Poquen-Cancha) , 313 
Painted cloth sent from Peru to Garcilasso de 

la Vega, 1603, 336 
Paintings, aboriginal, at Cuzco, 157 
Palla-Kasa, summit of, 42, 43, 167, 198 
Pampa de Have, name given to widest part of 

Lake Titicaca, 15 
Pampiti, island, 13, 228, 229, 250, 251 
Pando, Jose Manuel, 33 
Pardo, Octavio, 28 
Parrots (Bolborhynchus), 48 
Pasturages, 81, 144; on Titicaca Island, 144 
Patapatani, island, 14 
Patas (see Andenes), 5, 165, 169 
Patron saints and images, 92 
Paucartampu (see Pacaritambo), 310 
Payaya, island, 13, 53, 54 
Pediculus vestirnenti and capitis, abundance 

of, 49, 52 
Pelechuco, village, 7, 242 
Personal names in Aymara, 85 
Personal service to landowners, 78 
Peru, republic of, 3, 7 
Philip II, King of Spain, 314, 316 
Pickering, Prof. Edward Ch., 24 
Picture-writing, 88 148 
Pihuihuarmi (see Betanzos), 286 
Pilcocayma, or Pilco-Kayma, ruin on Titicaca 

Island, 14, 42, 191, 192, 195, 196, 197, 

198, 205, 216, 222, 230, 232, 234, 259, 



262, 264, 265, 273, 275, 277; boulders in- 
cluded in walls, 195 ; ceiling of, 194 ; elab- 
orate niches at, 192 ; large niches at, 194 ; 
niches at, 235 ; not a shrine of the Sun, 
276; possible number of inhabitants, 197; 
roof, 194; situation and view, 196 

Pillcopuncu, 234 

Pinahua, 309 

Pizarro, Francisco, 61, 63, 64, 132, 135, 261, 
266 

Pizarro, Gonzalo, 63, 64, 135, 244; visit to 
peninsula of Copacavana, 1539, 286 

Pizarro, Hernando, 63, 64, 135, 244; charged 
with causing death of Spaniards in Lake 
Titicaca, 267 

Pizarro, Pedro, on traditions about Titicaca, 
296, 302, 317 

Plastic work on Titicaca, 185 

Plough, 52, 77 

Plumage as dance ornament, 157 

Political and judiciary authorities for Island, 
81 

Pomata, village, 6, 15, 27, 135 

Poncho, 85, 166 

Ponchos, ancient, from Titicaca Island, 221, 
225, 232 

Pongo (see Personal service), 78, 79, 143 

Population (numbers of) of Chucuito and 
adjoining districts to Bolivian frontier, 27 

Population of Copacavana and Titicaca islands, 
27 

Population of Koati, 50 

Population of Titicaca Island, 51 

Poquen-Cancha, painted boards at, 311, 312, 
3 13 

Potato, 18 

Pottery, modern, 70 

Prayers in Aymara, preceding house-building, 
95 

Preste, church functionary, 119, 121, 159 

Primitive commerce, 21 

Prioste (see Preste), 159 

Pucara, hamlet, 51, 52, 144, 189 

Pucara, marshy bottom, 48, 172 

Pucara, river of, 28 

Pucara, ruins, 47, 167, 199, 200, 201, 205, 222, 
232, 235; artefacts in copper and bronze, 
202 ; not mentioned by older authors, 202 ; 
port on Island of Titicaca for Koati, 280, 
281 

Pucara bay, 43 

Pucarani, village, 151; stone idol of, 276 

Pueblo women of New Mexico, 67 

Puerto Rico, antiquities from, 140 

Pulex irritans, 49 

Pumapuncu, 234 

Puna, tableland, 4, 5, 20, 67, 70, 72, 87, 
108, 242 

Puncu, 13 

Puncu (landing), 42, 52, 167, 191 

Puno, city, 4, 5, 9, 15, 23, 52, 79, 87, 104, 
188, 327 

Puno, department, 4, 9, 28 

Puquin-Cancha (see Poquen-Cancha), 313 

Pusipiani, Indian dances, 117, 122, 123 

Pu-tu-tu, cow-horn, 93, 149 

Quarrels and fights between Indians, 88 
Quichua, language, 103, 104 
Quichua Indians, 21, 22, 24, 64, 67, 99 
Quichu-uaya, hacienda, 34 
Quintal, 153 
Quinua, 18 

Quippu, knotted string, 89, 148, 297, 324 
Quippus, explanation of their value by Gar- 
cilasso, 324 
Quipucamayoc, 323, 324 



356 INDEX 

Quivini, ancient Inca trail to Kakayo-Kena, Sarmiento Gamboa, Pedro de, 313, 314, 315; 
183, 188, 189, 234 criticism of his writings, 315; tradition on 

Titicaca Island, 315 

Raimondi, Antonio, statements about Peru- Sayri, Quichua for tobacco, 271 

vian indigenous tobacco, 271 Scorpion on Titicaca Island, 49 

Rainbow, an Achachila, 100 Seal (see Mythical animal), 48 

Rainfalls on Titicaca Island, 18 Secluded women (falsely called "Virgins of 

Rain-making, 100, 155, 158; at Tiahuanaco, the Sun"), 252, 255; on Titicaca, 231 

100 Sewing machine at Sampaya and Copacavana, 

Ramis, river, 9, 23 77 

Ramos, Betanzos, and Cieza, agreement be- Shamans (see Medicine-men), 94, 97, 120, 
tween their statements, 328 160 ; great influence over Indians, 122 

Ramos Gavilan, Fray Alonso, 63, 205, 212, Shiuana of Pueblo Indians, 100 

217, 219, 221, 224, 232, 234, 239, 261, Sicuri, Indian dancers, 116, 123 

266, 268, 270, 271, 279, 286, 327, 328, Sicuyu, promontory of, 42, 44, 45, 166, 183, 
329; popular belief in origin of Manco 221, 227, 228; ruins and graves at, 228 

Capac from Titicaca Island mentioned by, Sign-language, no trace, 89 

327 Sillustani, ruins, 5, 24, 32, 104, 186, 195 

Rattles, of beans, 157; metallic, 157 Silverware exhibited on festival, 111 

Religious beliefs and ceremonials among In- Skin diseases on Island, 68 

dians, 91 Skulls, artificial flattening of, 67, 138; fe- 

Religious ceremonial at Cuzco, 150 male, not deformed, 170; of children from 

Repartimientos at Copacavana, 133 Kasapata, 166 

Reports on Indian customs from seventeenth Skunk in Aymara lore, 102 

century, 320 Slings, 88 

Reptiles on islands of Titicaca and Koati, 48 Smallpox on Island, 68 

Ringrim, large ears (see Zdrate), 304, 305 Snake symbol on roofs on Indian houses, 107 

Rings, ancient, 142 Snowfalls, 16 

Roca Inca, war-chief, 295 Sorata, group of mountains, 3, 7, 8, 13, 261, 

Rock of the Cat (see Titi-Kala), 44 275, 276 

Roman, Pray Hieronymo, 317 Sorata, town, 87 

Romulus and Remus, tale of, 296 Sorcerers (see Shamans, etc.) 120 

Ropes, ancient, 143 Sorcery and witchcraft, 85 

Rotation of lands among Indians, 24, 80, 144, Spanish colonists, difficulties of position and 
197 lack of resources, 76 

Spiders, used in divining, 102 

Sacred Rock (see Titi-Kala), 44, 189, 200, Squier, E. G., 5, 116, 189, 191, 192, 194, 
214, 216, 217, 225, 226, 229, 231, 232, 202, 203, 204, 205, 208, 229, 260, 263, 265 

250, 272, 274, 283, 294, 327; gateways to, Statues reported to have existed on Titicaca 
234, 247; original Aymara shrine, adopted (see Ramos), 239 

by Incas, 238, 239; principal fetish on Sticks with notches, for keeping accounts, 89 

Island, 238; seat of an oracle, 239; sac- Stone chests containing pouches, 221 

rificial stone-heaps of Pueblos and Navajos, Stone statues near Have, 6 

99 Stone toads, to intercede for rain, 103 ; rain 

St. Elmo's fires, 6 fetishes, 270 

Sajama, volcano, 32, 102 Stones, said to be sacrificial, 205, 210, 211 

Salas, Fray Baltasar, 132, 133, 135, 268, Stool of Stone (see Kasapata), 140 

286, 327 Storehouses, 69, 70 

Salcamayhua, Juan de, Santa Cruz, Pacha- Storms on Lake Titicaca, 12, 15, 16 

cuti Yamqui, origin claimed by, 317, 318, Strawberries, 18 

320, 327, 328; sources of information, 318 ; Suchez, range, 7 

foundation of Cuzco, 318; traditions about Suchez, river, 9 

Tonapa, also Viracocha, etc., 318; analogy Sucking, Indian medicinal practice, 120 

of statements with those of Betanzos and Sun, no supreme deity of the Aymara, 94; 
Cieza, 319 merely one of the fetishes, 150 

Sambucus Peruvianas, 18 Sun and Moon, not worshipped as such by 

Sampaya, village, 13, 14, 41, 50, 121, 260, the Incas, 277; fetishes, regarded by Incas 
269, 281; Indian magic derived from, 294 as husband and wife, 279 

San Martin, Fray Tomas de, Dominican, 26, Sunchuli, range, 7 

134 Sun-Father and Moon-Mother, Inca belief in, 

San Nicolas, Fray Andres de, 232, 268, 286, 277, 278 

329 Suntur Paucar, 312 

Sandals (see Costume), 68, 138 Sun-worship not enforced by the Incas, 277 

Sans, Father Rafael, Franciscan, 212, 261, Supay (see Evil spirits), 93, 150 
271, 273, 327; statement about Inca wor- 
ship, 278 Taapac, 11, 29, 31, 327 

Santa Barbara (see Llalli-Sivi-Pata) , 43, 172, Tacanas (see Andenes), 5 

176, 200 Tambo (ruined) at Kasapata, 213 

Santa Maria, andenes of, 183, 203; wooden Tambo Colorado, near Pisco, Peru, 222 

goblets found, at, 185 Tambotoco (see Sarmiento), 313, 316 

Santa Rosa, range of, 4, 23 T'ana, 221 

Santiago (St. James), 100, 149 Tanca-tanca, ruins, 27 

Santiago Huata, peninsula of, 9, 10, 16, 42, Tanimpata, hacienda, 33 

186, 188, 242 TantalidsB (aquatic birds), 12 

Santo ayre, 93, 141 Taquia, or llama dung, used as combustible, 
Sapahaqui, hacienda, 79 20, 34, 70, 72, 141 

Sapo, mountain, 32 Taquili, island, 5 



INDEX 357 

Taraco, gulf of, 10, 12 Tracks of the Sun and Moon on Titicaca, 217, 
Taraco, village, 4 294 

Taruca, indigenous deer, 20 Trading trips to lower regions (Yungas), 87 

Terhuel, P. Luis, 319, 337 Tradition, about ancient wall protecting Copa- 
Theodolite, influenced by ferrugineous rocks, cavana, 282; about origin of the Incas 

41, 55 from Tiquina, 295 ; of creation of sun and 

Thermometric observations on islands of Titi- moon on Titicaca Island, 294, 295, 301, 

caca and Koati, 17, 18 312; of white men on Titicaca, reported 

Thunder and lightning, Inca fetishes, 151 by Cieza, 300 

Tiahuanaco, ruins and village, 10, 11, 12, 25, Traditions about Titicaca Island, 284; local 

89, 92, 93, 100, 114, 116, 118, 119, 120, Aymara lore, 329 

141, 149, 173, 298, 318, 321, 328; Indian Treasure, search for, in Lake Titicaca, 64 

cosmogonic lore at, 10; church books, 36; Trephined skulls, 172, 173, 174; in collec- 

house-building at, 96 ; wooden goblets at, tion at Cuzco, 241 

185 ; early traditions about, 299 ; abode of Trephining among Indians of Bolivia and 

the Creator, according to Molina, 312 Peru, 174 

Tican-avchi, 221, 250, 279 Tribe, 83 

Ticani, promontory, 44, 46, 217, 224, 227 Tropical fruit, 87 

Tichicasa, also Thichicasa (see Titicaca), 62, Tuapaca, 11, 29 

220 Tunapa (see Tonapa, also Tadpac), 327, 328 

Ticiviracocha, 11, 321 Tunta (see Chunu), 36 

Tile-roofs, 78 Tupac Amaru (see Indian uprising), 83 

Tinea, at Cachilaya, near Chililaya, 97; on Tupac Yupanqui, Inca war-chief, visit to 

Koati, 97, 285 Titicaca Island, 138, 212, 246, 255; visit 

Tinea ceremonial, 96; at Kasapata before ex- to Koati, 261 

cavations, 97, 98 Turi-Turini, cliff, 44, 217 

Tiola, bird of evil, 102 Turks Island, antiquities from, 141 

Tiquina, San Pablo de, village, 14, 33 Turquoises, 181 

Tiquina, San Pedro de, village, 14, 32, 295 

Tiquina, Straits of, 9, 10, 14, 15, 34, 188 tt„„„™, i,„„i fl i ci r«. ,.„;„* „* u, n t om 

m,-+; • j „ . / ' W.,,7,,, „,„.;», \ An cc 1 no uacuyu, namlet, 51, 5b; ruins at base of, JU1 

Tltl, Wild cat (see Mulu-mulu), 47, 56, 102, TTftir»r>-TCala TiPninsnla. 44 1 7fi 1 82 

214; piece of skin of, used in witchcraft, 97 uhle MaJ 3(F 

Titicaca, etymology of name, 218; supposed uila< ; ota> lake of blood) 251 

rr^nftt Tol^!q 1 n o in , Q -,= -,(> in Uila-Ke, height of, on Koati, 42, 285 

Titicaca, Island, 4, 7, 8, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17, TTjia.PpVi r>™innTitnrv 41 2^Q 2fitl 272 

18, 20. 28, 41, 42, 45, 49, 51, 54, 62, ™«I»^L P ^^7 « ' * ' 

64, 65,' 66, 67, 68, 73, 79, 91, il7, 118 V^™™*!' *S % Q 

119, 121, 137, 186, 259, 276, 321, 328; tt4«o™o^o' uEZtl ?A* to u oao 

seat of an ancient shrine, 237 uSfuTsee Owl) 101 121 

Titicaca, Lake, 3, 4, 7, 9, 11, 12, 28, 186, i£™ VlL«. pr fiV »i,n. ~t q« 

267; altitude above ocean, 23; depths, 9 S^J^ 18 ?^' >«I;«S\ i?r. P»ii-h« a v» 

10, 13, 28, 54; legend about drying up of 0t "^. fe °™ h ' CaUahuaya 

295; sinking of level (see Tovar), 31; T t™1™ ? £««,*«,. nii™.»«^ a qq 

swimming in? 243 ; water of, 9, 10 U y u ' m < name for I^mani), 8, 33 
Titicaca basin, 31 

Titicacao (see Titicaca), 64 Vaca de Castro, Cristoval, official investiga- 
Titi-Kala (Sacred Rock, Rock of the Cat), tion of ancient lore of Cuzco Indians (In- 
44, 62, 189, 214; gold and silver ob- cas), 297, 317 

jects found at, 220; object of special cult, Valera, Father Bias, 136, 323; biographical 
237, 276, 277, 284; ruins at, 219, 220, data concerning, 310; his writings used by 
221, 232 Garcilasso de la Vega, 310 

Titin-Uayani, 172 Valverde, Fray Fernando de (Augustine), 329 

Tito Yupanqui, Francisco, 33 Yalverde, Fray Vicente de, 135 

Toads, intercessors for rain, 103 Vampires, sorcerers, 156 

Tocay, 309 Vega, Garcilasso de la, 303, 319, 322, 323, 
Toledo, Don Francisco de, Viceroy, 22, 65, 324; biographical notice of, 306; interested 
157, 175, 311, 313, 314, 316 tendencies displayed in his book, 307; 

Tonapa, 11, 31, 318, 327; changed people of sources of information, 307; traditions 
Tiahuanaco into stones, 318; story of, from Collasuyu and Cuntisuyu, 309 

probably an Aymara myth, 328; wander- Vegetation on islands and lake-shore, 18 

ings of, according to Salcamayhua, 318, 319 Venereal diseases, 138 

Tools, modern, used by Indians, 77, 143 Verbena, 46 

Topa Ynga Yupangue, said to have conquered Versions of Titicaca traditions, two distinct, 

Cuzco (see Gutierrez de Santa Clara), 303 from middle of sixteenth century, 305 

Topasaire, tobacco, 271 Viacha, village, 71 

Topo, or Tumi, pins, 142, 181, 207, 226, 227 Vicuna, 20, 35 

Topo of gold from Muro-Kato, 226 Vicuna dance, or Chokela (see Chacu-ayllu) , 
Torno Kupana, ruin, 55 103 

Totora, 12, 15, 34, 47, 179 Vilcanota, oracle at, 256 

Tovar, Agustin, 5 Vilcanota, range of, 4, 9, 23, 214 



358 



INDEX 



Villacastin, Francisco de, expert in Quichua 

language, 332 
Viracocha, Inca war-chief, 295, 300, 304, 

333; creations of, 313, 315 
Viracochas, 294, 295, 331 
Vizcarra, Fr. P. J. M., 132, 133, 267 
Vizcarra, P. Jose, 64 
Vizcarra, P. Nicanor, 295 
Volcanoes, important Indian fetishes, 161 
Votive offerings of gold and silver figures, 250 

"Watch-towers, ancient, 236 
Water-snake (see Yaurinka), 48 
"Waterspouts on Titicaca, 6, 25 
Weaving implements of Chullpas, 186 
White men, myth of, on Titicaca Island, 65 
Wiener, Charles, 260 
Witchcraft on Island, 93 

Women on Titicaca Island for ceremonial pur- 
poses, 65 
Wooden goblet found at Santa Maria, 48 

Yacolla, 142 

Yampupata, hamlet of, 13, 42, 52, 281; Inca 
ruins at, 282 



Yampupata, Straits, 7, 13, 15, 47, 109 
Yapura, steamer on Lake Titicaca, 6 
Yatiri, "fetish, sacrifices to," 250 
Yatiri, Indian medicine-man, etc., 120, 159 
Yauri (see Needles of copper and bronze), 77, 

142 
Yaurinka, water-snake, 48, 107 
Ye-ja-chi, projection of land, 44, 183 
Yerba de amante, Callahuaya medicine against 

melancholy, 104 
Yerba de Castilla, hellebore, 105 
Yntip-Raymi, 278 
Yumani, hacienda, 14, 42, 47, 55, 56, 79, 82, 

88, 167, 170, 190, 191, 197, 198, 199, 

203; remains at, 197, 262 
Yungas, 227 
Yunguyu, village, 26, 27, 127, 188; Inca 

ruins at, 281 

Zampofia, large pan-flute, 112 

Zapalla Inga (see Zdra£e), 304 

Zapana, chief of the Collas, 333 

Zarate, Agustin de, his book, 303 ; tradition 

of origin of Incas from Titicaca, 303 
Zepita, village, 26 




LA PROV* de PACAIES 





Plate LXXXV 
Manuscn map (full size) made in 1573 for the Viceroy Don FlOTO i s co i 
Original in Peru 



LIBRARY OF 



CONGRESS 






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